Water governance in La Guajira, Colombia, particularly within the Wayuu Indigenous communities, represents a critical contemporary issue, fundamentally characterized by the population's scarce access to this vital resource (Gil Sarmiento et al., 2016; Maida, 2018). The situation of water access in this region presents a complex scenario defined by exclusion and the generation of significant local inequalities, rather than water being conceptualized and operationalized as a universally guaranteed right (Fuentes et al., 2018). This scenario is further complicated by intense competition for water resources among diverse powerful sectors, including large-scale mining operations, the burgeoning agro-industry, local agricultural production, and the pressing demand for potable water for human consumption (Caro, 2018).

A central conceptual problem lies in the persistent inability of governmental and institutional frameworks to recognize and integrate the diverse local conceptualizations of, and profound relationships with, water held by Indigenous communities such as the Wayuu (Paz Reverol, 2017; Ulloa, 2020). This omission not only aggravates resource mismanagement but also leads to the direct violation of communities' right to continuous access to good quality water, a right declared fundamental by the United Nations on June 28, 2010 (Rodríguez and Gómez-Rey, 2013). Consequently, La Guajira is mired in a systematic humanitarian crisis linked to extreme poverty, prevalent malnutrition, and high infant mortality rates, all of which are inextricably associated with widespread water scarcity (Bonet and De-Castro, 2017).

Several studies highlight a critical conceptual disconnect local, symbolic, cosmological, and sociocultural perceptions of water among the Wayuu markedly clash with the predominantly economic and technical policy conceptualizations of national institutions (Otálora-Cotrino et al., 2017; Ulloa and Romero-Toledo, 2018; Quiroga et al., 2020; Robles Chávez, 2018). These institutions frequently design management systems without adequately considering territorial particularities or local knowledge systems.

The research underpinning this paper offers a conceptual analysis based on a synthesis of critical studies (primarily, Palmer, 2023; Quiroga et al., 2020; Robles Chávez, 2018; Torres Campos, 2021; Vásquez and Correa, 1993). It seeks to delve into the multifaceted complexities of water governance in La Guajira. Specifically, this paper aims to conceptually elucidate the unique Wayuu cosmovision of water, their current water management practices, and the community's perception of governmental actions (Lippi, 2024). The conceptual contribution of this analysis is underscored by its focus on the severe deficiencies in water supply—which exhibit drastic shortcomings in terms of sufficiency, acceptability, healthfulness, and physical accessibility—thereby undermining the fundamental human right to water and a dignified life for the Wayuu people.

This paper will present the conceptual synthesis derived from the documentary review, structured around four key themes: (a) the grave situation of water access and scarcity; (b) the interaction between formal water governance frameworks and the Wayuu cosmovision; and (c) traditional Wayuu water management practices. The discussion will subsequently interpret these synthesized findings to develop conceptual insights.

To fully grasp the complexities of the water crisis in La Guajira, it is essential to move beyond a purely technical or environmental analysis and situate the issue within broader theoretical debates on hydro-social and hydro-cultural dynamics. A hydro-social framework posits that water and society are mutually constitutive; water is not merely a natural resource to be managed but is actively shaped, controlled, and produced through social, political, economic, and cultural processes (Linton and Budds, 2014). Consequently, water scarcity in La Guajira is not simply a result of low rainfall but is, as scholars have argued, a condition actively produced and intensified by institutional practices and extractive industrial processes (Daza, 2016; Maida, 2018; Palmer, 2023).

This perspective reveals how the region's hydro-social cycle has been profoundly altered by powerful actors. The intensive water consumption of large-scale mining operations—with entities like Cerrejón using an estimated 17 million liters daily—and the subsequent disappearance of vital river tributaries directly reconfigure water flows, creating scarcity for human consumption (Urrea and Calvo, 2014; Fuentes et al., 2018). This dynamic is further entrenched by institutional failures, where state policies and resource allocation systematically favor industrial interests and urban centers, leaving rural and Indigenous territories neglected and exacerbating pre-existing inequalities (Romero and Barón, 2013; Archila, 2015). Widespread corruption and the mismanagement of public funds further cement this unequal distribution, transforming a natural resource into a contested commodity (Hoya Noel, 2022; Palmer, 2023).

Complementing this framework, a hydro-cultural lens emphasizes that water governance is also a site of cultural contestation, where different ways of knowing, valuing, and relating to water collide. The central conflict in La Guajira is an epistemological one, pitting a dominant, state-led technocratic paradigm against the holistic, ancestral cosmovision of the Wayuu people. The state's approach, reflected in policies like the National Policy for Integrated Water Resources Management [PNGIRH (Política Nacional para la Gestión Integral del Recurso Hídrico)., 2010] and the frameworks of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), conceptualizes water primarily through objectives of efficiency, equity, and sustainability within a political-economic system (Ministerio de Ambiente y Desarrollo Sostenible et al., 2013). This model treats water as a manageable resource, detached from its cultural or spiritual context.

In stark contrast, the Wayuu cosmovision understands water as a living, sacred entity—Juyá—and a relative, intrinsically linked to their identity, spirituality, and social organization (Paz Reverol, 2017; Otálora-Cotrino et al., 2017). This relational understanding informs their governance systems, where access and management are mediated through dreams (Laapü), rituals, and a deep respect for sacred sites inhabited by spirits (pulowi) (Paz, 2016; Robles Chávez, 2018). The failure of the state to recognize or integrate this hydro-cultural reality represents what Ulloa (2020) terms a “deep and damaging disconnect,” leading to the implementation of policies that are not only ineffective but also culturally alienating and ultimately unsustainable.

The water crisis in La Guajira can therefore be conceptualized as a complex interplay of intersecting challenges. At the surface, physical-environmental factors create a baseline of vulnerability, including the natural aridity of the peninsula, low rainfall, desertification processes [Corpoguajira (Corporación Autónoma Regional de La Guajira), 2007], and the accelerating impacts of climate change [IDEAM (Instituto de Hidrología, 2024]. These environmental pressures are severely compounded by institutional-political factors, characterized by systemic state neglect, fragmented governance, widespread corruption (Hoya Noel, 2022), and policies that consistently fail to address local needs or incorporate Indigenous rights (Archila and Coronado, 2015).

This political landscape, in turn, is dominated by powerful socio-economic factors, most notably the pressures of extractive industries (Caro, 2018), which exacerbate profound social inequality, extreme poverty, and the resulting public health crises of malnutrition and high infant mortality (Bonet and De-Castro, 2017). Underlying all these layers is the core epistemic-cultural factor: the fundamental clash between the state's technocratic paradigm and the Wayuu's ancestral knowledge systems and spiritual conceptualizations of water (Ulloa, 2020; Robles Chávez, 2018).

This integrated framework allows for a more nuanced analysis, demonstrating that a solution cannot be found by addressing any single factor in isolation. Instead, it requires a holistic approach that recognizes the co-production of scarcity and the necessity of bridging the profound epistemic divide.

The circumstances surrounding water access in La Guajira, Colombia, are conceptually defined by profound exclusion and the fostering of localized inequalities, a stark departure from the tenet of water as a universally guaranteed right (Fuentes et al., 2018). This region serves as a locus of intense competition for limited water resources among several influential sectors, encompassing mining operations, agro-industrial enterprises, local agricultural production, and the critical demand for potable water for human consumption (Caro, 2018).

A significant exacerbating factor is the systemic failure to acknowledge and integrate diverse local conceptualizations of, and relationships with, water, which culminates in the infringement of communities' rights to continuous access to good quality water (Ulloa, 2020). This situation is particularly egregious considering the United Nations' declaration of June 28, 2010, which affirms access to water as a fundamental human right (Rodríguez and Gómez-Rey, 2013). As a result, La Guajira is ensnared in an ongoing, systematic humanitarian crisis intrinsically linked to extreme poverty, widespread malnutrition, and alarming infant mortality rates, all directly associated with severe water scarcity (Bonet and De-Castro, 2017; Cortés-Cantillo et al., 2016).

The fundamental right to water stipulates that every individual must have access to water that is sufficient, acceptable, healthy, physically accessible, and affordable for personal and domestic use—conditions conceptually indispensable for a dignified life (Rodríguez and Gómez-Rey, 2013). However, the reality in La Guajira is far removed from these internationally recognized standards.

In terms of sufficiency, while international guidelines suggest a need for 50 to 100 liters of water per person per day to cover basic needs, and Colombian legislation stipulates a vital minimum of 16 cubic meters per household per month (Quiroga et al., 2020), the actual average consumption per person per day in La Guajira is a mere 0.7 liters (Gil Sarmiento et al., 2016). This pronounced deficit is compounded by the fact that only 46.6% of La Guajira's population has access to an aqueduct system (Sistema de Información Wayúu., 2024).

Regarding acceptability, water for human consumption must possess an acceptable color, odor, and taste, and the services providing it must be culturally appropriate and sensitive to gender and life cycle needs (Quiroga et al., 2020). Nevertheless, communities in La Guajira consistently report that available water is often brackish, turbid, and has adverse effects on people's health, indicating a clear lack of adaptation of water services to ethnic systems and pre-existing cultural demands.

For water to be considered healthy, it must be free from harmful microorganisms, dangerous chemical substances, and radiological threats (Sistema de Información Wayúu., 2024). Alarmingly, data indicate that nearly 97.7% of rural communities in La Guajira consume water from sources known to be contaminated (Gutiérrez-Martínez et al., 2021).

Physical accessibility also presents a significant challenge. The human right to water stipulates that water services must be accessible within or near the home, with the source ideally located no more than 1,000 m away (Sistema de Información Wayúu., 2024). However, even for the 41% of households that do have a connection to a public, communal, or village (rural settlement) aqueduct, water service is frequently interrupted during the week (Cortés-Cantillo et al., 2016; Gutiérrez-Martínez et al., 2021; Sistema de Información Wayúu., 2024).

Several deeply rooted factors contribute to this severe water scarcity problem. The physical conditions of the La Guajira department include a natural reduction in water supply associated with low rainfall patterns and the severe impact of persistent droughts experienced since 2012 [IDEAM (Instituto de Hidrología, 2024]. Climate projections paint an even bleaker future, indicating that in the coming years, rainfall could decrease by up to twenty times its current levels and average temperatures could rise by up to 2.5 °C [IDEAM (Instituto de Hidrología, 2024]. Furthermore, La Guajira holds the unfortunate distinction of having the largest land area undergoing desertification in Colombia [Corpoguajira (Corporación Autónoma Regional de La Guajira), 2007]. According to the Institute of Hydrology, Meteorology and Environmental Studies [IDEAM (Instituto de Hidrología, 2024], 100% of the municipalities in La Guajira are susceptible to water shortages during dry seasons.

Institutional problems and widespread corruption further exacerbate the already critical situation (Palmer, 2023). Institutional programs designed to improve water access often remain unfinished and systematically fail to address specific local water demands (Archila and Coronado, 2015). Corruption and severe fragmentation in the management of public resources allocated to water access programs are reported to be prevalent throughout the region (Hoya Noel, 2022).

Moreover, there is a perceptible tendency to implement water-related programs primarily in areas associated with mining interests and in urban centers, while other zones, particularly remote rural areas inhabited by Indigenous communities, are systematically neglected (Romero and Barón, 2013). The imposition of large-scale regionalized infrastructure, such as regional aqueducts, mega-irrigation projects, and dams, often leads to urbanization in local water management approaches, thereby sharpening existing access inequalities and marginalizing local communities (Fuentes et al., 2018).

The mining industry exerts a significant and often detrimental impact on water resources (Caro, 2018). For instance, the Cerrejón mine, one of the largest open-pit coal mines in the world, located in La Guajira, is reported to use an astounding 17 million liters of water daily for its operations, including road irrigation and personnel maintenance Urrea and Calvo, (2014). Research by (Fuentes et al. 2018) and Urrea and Calvo (2014) documents that around ten tributaries of the vital Ranchería River have disappeared due to coal extraction activities and associated coal mine expansion projects. A critical and often cited example is the diversion of the Arroyo Bruno, a stream locally considered the last remaining water source in its specific area, an act that authoritative sources report as completed, further diminishing water availability for local communities.

Furthermore, there is widespread disregard, both institutional and corporate, for pluralistic local governance systems (Ulloa, 2020). Indigenous and local systems of water access and distribution are not considered in planning and policies, or they are deemed ineffective or inadequate by external actors (Archila et al., 2015). This includes a fundamental lack of recognition of the conceptualizations, practices, and complex relationships that local populations, particularly the Wayuu, have with water when designing and implementing new water governance programs (Robles Chávez, 2018).

The consequences of these complex problems are severe and far-reaching. Severe inequalities in access to potable water directly aggravate the ongoing humanitarian crisis in La Guajira (Palmer, 2023). Indigenous and Afro-descendant communities, especially those residing in rural areas, have been the most affected by this crisis (Hoya Noel, 2022). It is crucial to understand, as emphasized by Daza (2016), Maida (2018), and Palmer (2023), that water scarcity in La Guajira is not solely due to the physical and climatic conditions of the arid region; it is also a scarcity actively produced and intensified by detrimental institutional practices and extractive industrial processes.

These extractive activities have led to widespread contamination of remaining water sources, water hoarding by powerful entities, and the complete disappearance of streams and other water bodies (Urrea and Calvo, 2014). This has profoundly affected the entire hydro-social cycle of the region, leading to chronic water shortages for local communities (Gil Sarmiento et al., 2016). Conflicts over water access are expected to increase in frequency and intensity over time (Ulloa and Romero-Toledo, 2018), and La Guajira is predicted to become one of the regions in Colombia with the lowest availability of fresh water due to the growing impacts of climate change [IDEAM (Instituto de Hidrología, 2024].

This analysis underscores a critical situation where environmental vulnerabilities, institutional deficiencies, and industrial pressures converge to create profound water insecurity, disproportionately affecting vulnerable populations, undermining their fundamental human right to water, and leading to an ever-deepening humanitarian crisis that demands urgent, equitable, and sustainable water governance solutions (Lippi, 2024).

Water governance is broadly defined as the set of processes for the integrated management of water as a common good (Palmer, 2023; Torres Campos, 2021; Rogers and Hall, 2003). This concept emphasizes the active and inclusive participation of diverse social actors in decision-making (Lippi, 2024; Maida, 2018). It involves articulating multiple cultures, knowledge systems, and normative instruments within specific socio-political contexts to achieve objectives of efficiency, equity, and sustainability (Ministerio de Ambiente y Desarrollo Sostenible et al., 2013).

Despite these comprehensive frameworks, rural and Indigenous territories in Colombia, particularly the department of La Guajira, consistently exhibit the lowest levels of access to safe drinking water and sanitation. This disparity stems from a combination of deeply rooted social, economic, and political factors (Gutiérrez-Martínez et al., 2021). The resulting deterioration of water quality directly harms the health of Indigenous communities, compromising both their wellbeing and the sustainability of vital ecosystem services (Bonet and De-Castro, 2017).

The lack of basic infrastructure in many Indigenous reserves is aggravated by the centralization of resources in municipal centers, leaving dispersed rural populations like the Wayuu underserved (Hoya Noel, 2022; Archila, 2015). Consequently, communities often rely on surface sources like rivers and traditional reservoirs (jagüeyes) or groundwater from wells, which frequently suffer from significant quality problems and are unfit for human consumption (Torres Campos, 2021).

In stark opposition to state-led paradigms, the Wayuu people possess an ancestral understanding of their territory and a distinct cosmovision regarding water (Paz Reverol, 2017). Within their worldview, water is not merely a quantifiable resource but a life-generating entity, intrinsically valued for the wellbeing of their territories and the sustainability of its sources (Robles Chávez, 2018). This perspective is deeply integrated into their cultural practices and spiritual beliefs (Vásquez and Correa, 1993).

This ancestral knowledge is reinforced through complex mythology and spiritual beliefs. The mythical being Juyá (rain) is revered as the ultimate provider and progenitor of all life (Otálora-Cotrino et al., 2017; Paz Reverol, 2017). Furthermore, dreams, known as Laapü, are considered a vital channel of communication with the spiritual world, capable of revealing the location of potable water sources, for which ritual offerings are made in gratitude (Daza, 2016; Robles Chávez, 2018).

The symbolic importance of water is also manifest in key Wayuu rituals. It is used in purifying ceremonies during funerary rites and the female rite of passage from girlhood to adulthood (Paz, 2016). Specific water bodies, such as springs or important jagüeyes, are considered sacred sites inhabited by powerful female spirits called pulowi. These locations command immense respect and are understood to require their own protected territory, free from desecration (Paz, 2016).

The stark divergence between the Wayuu's spiritual conceptualization and the technical-economic approach of state governance creates a fundamental conceptual chasm. This disconnect results in policies that are often culturally inappropriate, ineffective, and fail to sustainably address the community's actual needs. The daily quest for water thus remains a significant burden, forcing families—particularly women and children—to traverse vast arid territories using artisanal transport methods (Otálora-Cotrino et al., 2017).

The primary water sources utilized by the Wayuu reflect traditional ecological knowledge and adaptation strategies, which include:

For agricultural (Apain) and livestock use, small-scale irrigation is adapted near windmills for family farms, and animals often drink directly from jagüeyes (Paz, 2016). However, modern water treatment is generally absent at the household level (Gutiérrez-Martínez et al., 2021). While ancestral clarification methods exist—using materials like cactus pulp as a flocculant before boiling—their practice is reportedly declining (Correa Assmus, 2015).

In conclusion, this traditional knowledge constitutes a vital lifeline for the resilience and adaptation of Wayuu communities amid severe water scarcity. Nevertheless, these profound knowledge systems and inherent principles of Wayuu water governance are critically overlooked in state-level policies. This exclusion disregards their cultural value and misses an opportunity for sustainable, locally-adapted solutions. Acknowledging and integrating Wayuu governance is paramount for developing equitable and resilient water management frameworks for the region.

The Colombian Constitution of 1991 establishes a fundamental legal framework emphasizing the rights of Indigenous peoples, including formal recognition of ethnic and cultural diversity, official status of native languages in their respective territories, guaranteed freedom of religion, promotion of intercultural education, and recognition of territorial autonomy (Colombia, 1991, arts. 7, 10, 19, 68, 287, 329). Regarding specific water policy, the National Policy for Integrated Water Resources Management [PNGIRH (Política Nacional para la Gestión Integral del Recurso Hídrico)., 2010] sets objectives and strategies for national water management. Significantly, this policy itself acknowledged that most water-related conflicts are linked to cultural practices and the diverse ways water is perceived, valued, and managed by different communities.

Subsequently, Departmental Water Plans (PDA) were created in 2006 to decentralize water management responsibilities, and the Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) framework was adopted in 2010, intended to guide the actions of Regional Autonomous Corporations through instruments known as POMCAs or Watershed Management and Planning Plans (Rodríguez and Gómez-Rey, 2013). Municipalities are designated as primarily responsible for providing drinking water services, with departmental entities tasked with offering support and coordination (Colombia, 1991, art. 311). The national government, departments, and municipalities also have the authority to grant subsidies to low-income individuals for access to water services (Colombia, 1991, art. 368). In addition, the Vice-Ministry of Water and Basic Sanitation is the national body responsible for formulating policies and programs aimed at improving water access nationwide (Ministerio de Ambiente y Desarrollo Sostenible de Colombia, 2017).

Despite these constitutional provisions and policy initiatives, these efforts have not sufficiently met the pressing needs of the population, particularly the Wayuu (Hoya Noel, 2022). Historically, governmental initiatives, like the construction of deep wells and dams dating back to 1928, were initially well-regarded by some Wayuu communities. However, Torres Campos (2021) argues that these and subsequent top-down interventions ultimately failed to resolve chronic water scarcity issues. Critically, these external efforts also had the unintended consequence of undermining local initiative and traditional knowledge related to maintaining traditional water sources like jagüeyes and wells (Archila, 2015). This fostered a sense of dependence on external actors and often complex, inappropriate technologies, leading to a significant loss of local water governance knowledge and practices (Paz, 2016). Many of these government-built deep wells are reported to be abandoned, in disrepair, or technologically obsolete (Gil Sarmiento et al., 2016).

This persistent failure of state initiatives has led the Wayuu to seek legal avenues to demand their fundamental rights to water, food, and health, particularly in the face of severe impacts from extractive industries (Palmer, 2023). Landmark legal actions, such as Sentences T-216/19 and T-614/19, represent these efforts by the Wayuu to seek judicial protection for their rights (Torres Campos, 2021, pp. 48, 49). Current governmental responses to the water crisis in La Guajira often manifest as welfarist policies (Correa Assmus, 2015). These include sporadic donations from entities like the Cerrejón mining company (such as water provision via tanker trucks), the installation of some desalination plants (often financed by mining royalties), and the provision of plastic tanks for water storage (Correa Assmus, 2015). However, these measures are frequently criticized for being short-term palliatives that do not address the root causes of water insecurity (Lippi, 2024). La Guajira still lacks the large-scale, sustainable, and culturally appropriate infrastructure necessary for a consistent and equitable water supply (Gutiérrez-Martínez et al., 2021).

Endemic corruption and a chronic lack of transparency and control over the substantial royalty funds generated by mining activities have further hindered significant progress in improving water access and coverage for the Wayuu and other vulnerable populations in La Guajira (Hoya Noel, 2022; Maida, 2018). This complex, multidimensional problem of failed governance, resource mismanagement, and cultural neglect directly contributes to deteriorating health outcomes, the spread of waterborne diseases, severe malnutrition, and the exacerbation of poverty and inequality in the region (Bonet and De-Castro, 2017; Palmer, 2023).

The findings synthesized from the documentary analysis present a stark conceptualization of the water governance crisis in La Guajira, particularly as it impacts the Wayuu Indigenous community. The analysis consistently underscores a profound crisis characterized by severe scarcity, inadequate quality, and inequitable access to water. This situation, as argued by multiple scholars, not only constitutes a violation of a fundamental human right but also perpetuates an ongoing humanitarian crisis.

A critical conceptual point emerging from this analysis is the multi-causal nature of the crisis. It is not merely a consequence of the region's arid climate but is significantly exacerbated by systemic institutional failures. These failures can be conceptualized as deficiencies in planning, pervasive corruption, and resource mismanagement; the overwhelming and often detrimental impact of extractive industries, particularly coal mining; and a widespread, institutionalized disregard for Wayuu local governance systems, their ancestral knowledge, and their unique cosmovision of water.

A central theme is the marked conceptual disconnect between the Wayuu's holistic, relational, and spiritual understanding of water—as a living entity, Juyá, essential for their culture and survival—and the predominantly technical, economic, and often exploitative approaches to water management imposed by state and corporate entities. National policies are frequently designed without adequately considering territorial particularities or local sociocultural conceptualizations of water and environment.

This dismissal of Indigenous cosmovision and traditional management practices, such as the nuanced understanding of jagüeyes or dream-guided well location, not only alienates communities but also, as conceptualized by scholars like Scoones (2021) and Litbena and Silvia (2021) in similar contexts, leads to the failure of interventions because they lack local legitimacy and ecological congruence.

The United Nations' conceptualization of water as a human right, demanding sufficiency, acceptability, healthfulness, and accessibility, contrasts sharply with the Wayuu's daily reality. They receive a fraction of the necessary water volumes, often find it brackish or turbid, consume it from contaminated sources, and face interrupted services or long journeys to water points. This paper's conceptual contribution lies in its illumination of these systemic failures and the urgent need for a paradigm shift in how water governance is conceptualized and implemented in such contexts.

The Wayuu community's negative perception of governmental water governance—often rated as “regular” or “bad” due to a perceived lack of state presence, inadequate and inappropriate infrastructure, and absence of purification systems—is a damning critique of current top-down approaches. Welfarist policies, such as sporadic tanker truck deliveries or royalty-funded desalination plants, are correctly identified as insufficient short-term palliatives (Lippi, 2024).

The profound conceptual disconnect between Indigenous cosmovision and state policies, tragically exemplified in the Wayuu water crisis, also highlights the broader challenge of epistemic justice—the need to protect, value, and integrate traditional and Indigenous knowledge systems within development and environmental governance. Traditional knowledge of Indigenous peoples represents a vast repository of wisdom crucial for their identity, subsistence, and relationship with the environment.

However, this knowledge faces constant threat from what Ulloa (2020, p. 7) terms a “deep and damaging disconnect between ancestral, cosmological, and sociocultural perceptions and practices [...] and the predominantly economic, technical, and often negligent policies and actions of state and corporate institutions.” This epistemic gap not only marginalizes communities but also hinders the development of genuinely sustainable and equitable solutions. Although Colombia's National Policy for Integrated Water Resources Management acknowledged the link between water conflicts and cultural practices, its effective implementation, which would require a fundamental re-conceptualization of whose traditional knowledge counts, remains a profound challenge.