The Western Highlands, one of the five distinct agroecological zones in Cameroon and characterized by varying biophysical and climatic conditions, covers an area of approximately 3,807,280 hectares (38,072.8 square kilometers) (Jiotsa et al., 2015; WWF, 2022; MINFOF - MINEPDED, 2020). These highlands have a wavy topography characterized by savannah vegetation, stepped plateaus, low basins, hills, and plains intersected by gallery forests (MINFOF - MINEPDED, 2020). They contain one of the largest remaining patches of Afromontane forest in West Africa. The hydrographical network is dominated by streams and rivers. The climate is of tropical highland type characterized by two main seasons, rainy and dry. The average temperature is 25 °C, which is highly moderated by relief, which explains the usually cool nature of the entire region. The area has an altitude ranging between 1,000 and 2,500 meters above sea level (Jiotsa et al., 2015). The soils are ferralitic with high moisture retention (Tankou et al., 2017). Furthermore, it is one of the most densely populatedin Cameroon, with a population density of around 128.5 inhabitants per square kilometer (MINFOF - MINEPDED, 2020). This highland area comprises eight divisions (Menoua, Noun, Nde, Haut-Nkam, Mefi, Bamboutos, Haut-plateau, and Koung-khi).

The study area is situated in the Menoua division and has six subdivisions: Dschang, Santchou, Fongo-Tongo, Fokoue, Penka-Michel, and Nkong-Ni. Two of these subdivisions (Fokoue and Penka-Michel) are locations for the case studies in this article (Figure 2). They have similar ecological, social, and economic characteristics (Jiotsa et al., 2015). Penka-Michel subdivision is geographically delimited to the north by Bamougoum, to the south by Bamendjou, and to the west by Kong-Nzem, and it has a surface area of 270 km² and a population of 75,182. It comprises of four groups: Baloum, Balessing, Bansoa, and Bamendou. Fokoue, in contrast, is made up of five groups: Bamegwou, Fotomenaq, Fotsa Touala, Fokoue, and Fomopea. It is delimited to the east by Batcham (Bamboutos) subdivisions, to the north by Foumbot, and to the west by Fongo-Tongo, and has a population of 11,053 (BUCREP, 2017). In this region, communities typically adhere to a traditional setup characterized by centralized structures and well-defined hierarchical institutions (Jiotsa et al., 2015; Kimengsi and Silberberger, 2023). The institutional setting of the communities in the region symbolizes a traditional African society where there is reverence for local customs and traditions.

We therefore selected the Western Highlands of Cameroon for our study area because of (i) its ongoing land-use activities such as tree planting and agroforestry practices, (ii) the area's great need for agroforestry policies, and (iii) the well-structured institutional setup. Two rural communities (Fokoue and Penka-Michel) were selected from the area due to their similar socioeconomic activities and proximity to agroforestry.

This paper forms part of a study on the institutional analysis of agroforestry processes in the Western Highlands region of Cameroon. Using thematic/narrative analysis, expert interviews, key informant interviews (KIIs), and focus group discussions (FGDs), we qualitatively explored the issues linked to the awareness of state provisions, policies, customs, and beliefs that influence agroforestry and the effectiveness of these institutions. The design of the research instruments (questionnaire and interview guides) and the data collection occurred in two communities of Cameroon's Western Highlands between June and July 2024. Research instruments (KII guide with eight questions, FGD guide capturing ten questions, and expert interviews guide comprising eight questions) all aided in data collection. Prior to the start of data collection, the research instruments were translated into French. We had English and French versions, which were reviewed by peers. Subsequently, the collection of information commenced. Seven KIIs were conducted in the study area, three in Fokoue communities and four in Penka-Michel communities, capturing information from traditional rulers of the communities, family heads, and forest users (Figure 3). This was done to capture the perspective of almost all categories of people in the communities regarding the institutions that shape agroforestry practices, their effectiveness, and their outcomes. In addition to the eight questions that guided the KIIs, follow-up questions were asked to clarify the information provided by the respondents based on the responses received. On average, KIIs lasted 50 min.

Additionally, using the FGD guide, five FGDs were conducted during the study. In each of the two study communities, FGDs took place with a mixed group (men, women, and youth), two groups of men, two of women, and one of youth. FGDs were done to obtain the perspective of all groups in the communities about the institutions that shape agroforestry practices and effectiveness. On average, FGDs comprised about six individuals and lasted 50 min. Finally, expert interviews were conducted to obtain experts' perspectives on the formal and informal institutions that regulate rural Cameroon agroforestry: one senior divisional officer, one agriculture official, two forestry officials, one delegate of fisheries and animal husbandry, and one council official (mayor). The expert interview guide steered these interactions. As for the KIIs and FGDs, follow-up questions were asked to get further and better information on the subject. On average, expert interviews lasted 45 min. During data collection, questions and responses were predominantly in French.

Descriptive statistics were used to characterize the attributes of agroforestry-linked institutions in the two communities in the Western Highlands of Cameroon studied: the level of institutional arrangements (formal and informal) and the perception of agroforestry outcomes across ecological, economic, and social dimensions, that is, changes in the behavior of forest users. The variables used in the analysis are listed in Table 1. The dependent variables are the outcomes of agroforestry practices, and the independent variables are the attributes of the institutions—awareness of state regulations, provisions, traditional customs, and community-based organizations.

The audio recorded during data collection was transcribed manually. Direct content and narrative analysis were used to analyze the data. The contents of the transcribed data were carefully studied in order to extract key information in line with the specific objectives of the study. Qualitative analysis software was not employed to assist with the analysis because issues related to institutions are complex and sometimes not directly framed, and so using software to assist with analysis might result in missing out certain key data. Our analysis focused on the roles of formal and informal agroforestry institutions, the outcomes of agroforestry institutions, and an exploration of the compliance levels of formal and informal institutions in the Western Highlands region of Cameroon.

For data processing, two types of analysis were differentiated according to the available qualitative and quantitative data. For quantitative data, the questionnaires were systematically input into a Microsoft Excel spreadsheet and analyzed using R. The R software was used to perform all statistical analysis (in particular, the chi-squared test) as the sample data were greater than 30 (a total of 103 households surveyed were sampled). The chi-squared test is a test of the independence of two variables, and it allowed us to conclude whether the associations observed deviated from what would be anticipated by chance. The predetermined probability threshold of 0.05 was considered. P-values that fell below 0.05 provided substantial evidence for the rejection of the null hypothesis of independence among the variables. Conversely, P-values that were greater than or equal to 0.05 failed to yield sufficient evidence for the rejection of the null hypothesis of independence among the variables. To augment the findings derived from the chi-squared test, a Cramer's V statistic was subsequently calculated to quantify the strength of (in)dependence between the variables. In terms of Cramer's V, values approaching 1 indicate a robust relationship, while a value nearing 0 signifies a weaker relationship between the variables of interest. However, values equal to or exceeding 3 are indicative of a strong dependence among the variables:

where O_i is the observed frequency of the variables, E_i is the expected frequency of the variables, χ² is the chi-squared statistic, and n is the number of observations.

For qualitative data, our analysis was conducted through narratives and thematic analyses relating to the knowledge and practice of agroforestry, related customs and traditions, and its effectiveness and outcomes. These narratives provided a rich insight into the lived experience of institutions in agroforestry.

Our research revealed a dualistic institutional framework. These institutions are linked to formal (exogenous) and informal (endogenous) structures and processes (Figure 4). The formal institutions are state-driven entities, operating through codified policies (e.g., the 1994 Forestry Law recently updated to the 2024 Forestry and Wildlife Law). These include the government ministries—MINADER, MINFOF, and MINEPIA—alongside local government authorities (senior divisional officer, mayor). These bodies are mandated with the top-down implementation of national policies, provision of technical support, and enforcement of land-use regulations. However, the study revealed an absence of a de jure policy (no specific formal laws) tailored to agroforestry, resulting in the ad hoc application of general agricultural and forestry regulations.

Conversely, informal institutions are endogenous community-based systems of governance rooted in local customs and traditional ecological knowledge. These institutions—traditional councils—are led by chiefs and elders who act as custodians of cultural heritage and arbiters of land-related disputes. Key structures facilitating collective action are njangi groups (traditional rotating savings and credit associations), which promote resource pooling, labor sharing, and knowledge exchange. However, the processes governing these institutions are unwritten but socially enforced; for example, sacred days “njang, mete” prohibit farming or tree cutting, certain trees (e.g., the baobab) are protected for cultural reasons, and trees are planted to mark significant life events (e.g., childbirth). Of these institutions, the most dominant are informal community-based organizations, particularly the njangi (loan and thrift) groups, which have more visible influence and participation (50%) compared to formal institutions, where role is seen as largely ineffective with low awareness among farmers (43%) but exhibit fragmentation and limit collaboration at local level. Additionally, although formal institutions provide national policies and rules, the actual practices of agroforestry are largely rooted in traditions and community mutual support groups.

From the evidence of our study, a significant difference was observed between the perceived effectiveness of formal and informal institutions. Formal state-led institutions were largely considered ineffective by local communities. The research revealed that a substantial proportion of respondents (43.7%) were unaware of government policies or support pertaining to agroforestry pertinent to agroforestry, and a majority (59.2%) indicated no direct engagement with these institutions. A small proportion of respondents rated them as “somewhat effective” (6%) or “very effective” (4%), while 15% deemed them not effective at all. This perceived inefficacy is linked to inadequate communication, inconsistent implementation of state-led programmes, and enforcement mechanisms perceived as punitive, such as fines for tree cutting, which act as a discouragement to farmers' participation. A female FGD participant recounted: “We currently receive no support from the government, leaving each individual to explore on their own without formal guidelines to follow. We rely primarily on our existing knowledge and resources, and our methods of practice here remain largely traditional.”

This supports the statement from the agriculture delegate:

However, the informal institutions demonstrated greater salience and influence within the community. Just over half of the respondents (50.5%) actively participated in community-based organizations. Compliance with informal rules is high and is enforced through mechanisms of social pressure, mutual reciprocity, and adherence to cultural traditions. While these endogenous institutions are effective in fostering local collaboration and upholding traditional conservation practices, their capacity to scale agroforestry initiatives up is constrained by a lack of formal recognition and access to external resources.

With respect to the effectiveness/compliance level of the informal institutions, our study revealed a high degree of institutional visibility and active community participation as primary drivers of their effectiveness. For instance, 50% were actively involved in community groups such as agricultural cooperatives and njangi associations. This level of engagement facilitates robust networks for knowledge dissemination, resource sharing, and collective action, establishing these institutions as a vehicle for local agroforestry. Additionally, it was reported that many people in the communities have reverence for traditional customary practices related to the environment—such as maintaining trees for cultural rituals and cultivating fruit trees inherited from their ancestors—and, by extension, agroforestry is related to the community's belief system relating to the protection of sacred trees/forests; this is in preference to punitive, top-down enforcement, which is often perceived as coercive and consequently is less effective. A male FGD participant recounted:

This supports the information from a notable of the Bansoa community:

Agroforestry institutions in the Western Highlands of Cameroon produce positive and negative ecological, economic, and sociocultural outcomes (Figure 5). While formal institutions produce ecological, economic, and sociocultural outcomes, informal institutions produce positive ecological outcomes and positive and negative economic and sociocultural outcomes.

For the informal institutions, the research revealed a positive ecological link to informal practices such as the integration of fruit trees, for example, avocado (common in the Bamileke tradition), that support pollinators, which are statistically proven to be associated with perceived increased in biodiversity (p < 0.001; Cramer's V = 0.419). This is achieved through the preservation and protection of sacred forests, which act as de facto nature reserves. These advantages are mitigated by unsustainable practices including the destruction of raffia palms for market gardening and the excess use of chemical fertilizers. While negative ecological outcomes were observed in formal institutions, they fail to provide a coherent agroforestry policy. The absence of regulations and oversight contributes to persistent deforestation and the widespread cultivation of eucalyptus monocultures, which are associated with soil nutrient depletion. The actions of some formal structures, such as the municipal council authorizing tree felling, cause biodiversity loss and habitat destruction.

The socioeconomic benefits perceived by farmers (Figure 5) were livelihood improvement (50%) through diversified products for subsistence and local sale. Through structures such as njangi groups, farmers could pool resources and labor. However, the negative economic outcome is the failure to scale. While effective at the local level, the informal institutions lack the formal recognition and capacity to develop value chains or connect farmers to bigger markets. Thus, they remain confined to subsistence and small-scale enterprises. Additionally, the negative economic outcome associated with formal institutions is the shifting of potential. Failure to provide support, especially in developing market access, was identified as a blockade to the expansion of economic benefits. The historical abandonment of coffee farming, a key economic activity cash crop, has contributed to youth out-migration (rural exodus):

Also, as recounted by a forest technician and head of an NGO (SAFEWORK),

Regarding the social outcome of agroforestry for formal institutions, the study revealed a significant source of social conflict and tension. Their top-down, punitive enforcement rules, such as fines on farmers for cutting trees without permits, is perceived as repressive and weakens trust between the state and the communities. This approach creates resentment and discourages farmer participation. Also, the conflicts between the conservation goals of MINFOF and MINADER and the revenue generation priorities of the local council, creates confusion and aggravates tensions, weakening the overall governance fabrics. Furthermore, the analysis shows the association between community-based organizations and formal institutions to be weak (χ², p = 0.685, Cramer's V = 0.093). This could be because engaging in a community organization does not necessarily correspond with increased knowledge of formal institutions, and thus collaboration can be fragmented. While the negative social outcomes were more dominant in formal institutions, the key positive social outcomes associated with informal institutions include community wellbeing and social cohesion. This is through mechanisms of mutual support, knowledge exchange, and collective action. By upholding traditions and resolving disputes internally, they reinforce cultural identity and strengthen community bonds. However, the social resilience they build is vulnerable. The study reported farmers' intent to establish agroforestry groups, but a decline of more formal farmer groups (CIGs) due to mistrust and mismanagement shows that even community-based structures can be fragile. Additionally, the social harmony they foster is consistently threatened by conflicts arising from the actions of formal institutions, demonstrating their limited power to shield the community from external governance failures.

Our results revealed that a diverse range of formal and informal institutions shape agroforestry in the Western Highlands of Cameroon. The key formal structure includes government ministries (MINFOF, MINADER, MINEPIA), which operate through codified legal laws such as the 1994 Forestry Law (updated to the 2024 Forestry and Wildlife Law), and the informal institutions are rooted in local customs, norms, and traditional knowledge, embodied by structures including traditional councils, youth groups, and njangi (loan and thrift) groups. However, the informal structures do not denote an entire setting as some traditional councils are recognized by administrative authorities, and they are allowed to perform during festivals. This characterization aligns with established theories of polycentric governance, where multiple, overlapping centers of authority govern resource use (Ostrom, 2010). However, our findings indicated that these polycentric systems operate separately and are not well-connected. There is a significant gap between the formal institutions and the actual day-to-day rules that the community follow (informal). Our findings align with recent research in other sub-Saharan African contexts, which highlights that state-led, top-down structures often fail to connect with local realities, leaving informal institutions to fill the void (Mukong et al., 2025; Kimengsi et al., 2022). Additionally, a key finding is the absence of specific, clear policies for agroforestry in rural Cameroon; existing farming and forestry laws are used instead but are often fragmented and do not operate well. However, our results differ from the findings in parts of Southeast Asia that reported clear agroforestry policies implemented to improve coordination and effectiveness (Ndlovu, 2025; Venn et al., 2024). In addition, the result is inconsistent with the polycentric governance model (Katic, 2021), where multiple stakeholders operate across scales. The dominance of informal institutions in Cameroon's agroforestry plays a significant force in managing agroforestry in the region. Hence, effective collaboration between the formal and informal institutions, with strong partnership and alignment goals and strategies, is crucial to enhance effective agroforestry interventions.

Based on our study, we found that the effectiveness of institutional typologies in agroforestry is different. The results shed light on the dynamics of effectiveness with institutions within the context of agroforestry in the Western Highlands of Cameroon. The observed disparities in effectiveness bring a nuanced understanding of how local communities and formal entities engage with and respond to different institutions in the context of agroforestry. In addition to formal institutions, the absence of targeted agroforestry policies contributed to a low awareness of government initiatives by communities and limited participation with little direct engagement. This is often rooted in the inadequate commitment and self-interest of officials responsible for enforcing these institutions. Regulations are often perceived as harsh or punitive through fines for unauthorized tree cutting or livestock issues, which discourages farmer participation. There is, therefore, a need to ameliorate the enforcement mechanism of the formal agroforestry-related institutions and their integration with informal systems. This result is similar to that of other studies with non-compliance with formal institutions (Zouari and Hachicha, 2024; Owusu et al., 2024).

In contrast, the effectiveness associated with informal institutions could be due to high visibility and acceptance within communities. Their rules are upheld via social pressures, reciprocity, and respect for traditions. Our results can be attributed to rural communities' absolute reverence for their culture, which is closely linked to norms and traditions in honoring sacred days and protecting culturally valued trees. These mechanisms provide effective, non-coercive governance on environmental management (Mukong et al., 2025). However, informal institutions lack formal recognition and access to external resources, limiting their ability to expand agroforestry beyond local or subsistence levels. This gap highlights the need to better integrate informal institutions into the formal governance framework to enable their broader contribution (Zinngrebe et al., 2020). This result corroborates the findings of Kimengsi and Silberberger (2023), who held that the actors driving exogenous institutions in the context of climate adaptation in rural Cameroon should accommodate endogenous cultural institutional arrangements and vice versa. Furthermore, there was a pronounced adherence of formal and informal institutions (the planting of avocado) that exhibits a distinct characteristic of effectiveness that cannot be underestimated. While this result holds for the Western Highlands, it cannot be extrapolated for the different agroecological zones of Cameroon, where variations in the effectiveness of informal institutions are expected. This is linked to the ethnic diversity of Cameroon, which contains more than 250 ethnic groups (Fearon, 2003), implying significant variations in the informal cultural institutions that either enhance or constrain compliance (Nuesiri, 2012). For instance, in the Greater South region, significant variations in compliance with endogenous cultural institutions are observed (Kimengsi et al., 2023). Therefore, the findings from this landscape (the Western Highlands) cannot be used to represent the whole of Cameroon or sub-Saharan Africa. It is imperative that additional studies be conducted in other parts of the region to assist in providing a holistic picture of the compliance level of agroforestry-related institutions.

Our study revealed that the effectiveness of informal institutions is linked to positive ecological outcomes. This could be due to the local traditions that preserve sacred forest and fruit tree cultivation, benefiting biodiversity, especially pollinators. The analysis of the study revealed that there is an association between awareness of formal institutions and improvement in on-farm biodiversity and soil health, which is achieved through the maintenance of traditional ecological knowledge. This finding corroborates other studies on the role of communit- based institutions in enhancing biodiversity within agroforestry systems (Kuyah et al., 2022; Tebkew et al., 2024).

In contrast, the low compliance of formal institutions is directly linked to negative ecological outcomes. The failure to regulate land use is a result of fragmented and weak governance. This could be due to persistent deforestation and an increase in eucalyptus monocultures. Our result aligns with studies in tropical regions that reported monoculture deplete nutrients and reduce ecosystem services (Farley et al., 2005; Vigo et al., 2025). However, our results were inconsistent with studies from regions with strong state-led conservation programmes where formal enforcement has been shown to curb deforestation (Sarmiento et al., 2024).

Regarding informal institutions, key positive economic and social outcomes are rooted in improved livelihoods through knowledge sharing and participation. However, the negative outcome is their inability to scale agroforestry products due to limited capacity to access markets. With limited formal recognition and provisions, their economic impact remains localized leading to abandoned cash crops (e.g., coffee), causing rural youth to migrate for work. This study resonates with the research of Lawasi et al. (2024), who reported that limited market access directly affected farmers' ability to profit from sustainable farming practices, but diverges from that of Paudel et al. (2022) in Nepal, who reported a stronger market-driven adoption. However, another positive sociocultural outcome is the spiritual connection of the local people to their land and their ancestral spirits. For example, some studies reported that forest restoration and protection via sacred forests connects local people to their land and ancestors (Sullivan et al., 2024; Sinthumule, 2024). However, social stability faces threats from declining formal farmer groups due to mistrust and ineffective management, and from resentments caused by punitive actions by formal authorities. Such tensions undermine trust and weaken inclusive governance needed for sustainable agroforestry (Ndiovu et al., 2025). Our research is consistent with the findings of Reed et al. (2024).

Regarding formal institutions, limited provisions and an unawareness of state provisions linked to agroforestry is rooted in the absence of support for market access and follow-up that prevents the scaling of agroforestry from a subsistence activity to a viable economic enterprise. Moreover, mistrust and conflicts discourage farmer participation in sustainable practices. Our research resonates with findings by Puspita et al. (2024), who argue that government intervention, if too controlling, can erode or destroy community social capital, thereby weakening collective action in water resource management settings.