We used the database generated by Herbst et al. (2023), based on newspapers sourced from the Brazilian Digital Newspapers and Periodicals Library using the keywords “pesca” (fishing) and “peixe” (fish) (Hemeroteca Digital Brasileira, Fundação Biblioteca Nacional, BNDigital). This reference database consisted of approximately 24 thousand reviewed news items, of which 598 were selected from newspapers published in Santa Catarina state between 1840 and 2019. The data mining and analytical approach selected items that presented information considered relevant for discussing seafood value chains: (i) ecological data (i.e., species, habitats, or species-specific information); (ii) political context related to fishing regulations, enforcement, and management; and (iii) market data.

An analytical framework was created by grouping the items into five value chain stages: Production, Processing, Retail, Trading, and Consumption, with the Retail and Trading categories specifically addressing market-related issues. Production referred to small-scale fisheries, industrial fisheries, or aquaculture. Processing methods followed the classification of 9 types, including those listed in Belton et al. (2022), and new methods emerging in our research. Some fish processing methods were grouped as: sun-dried was considered as “dried,” oil as a “by-product,” and smoked, cooked, roe, and shredded as “others.” Retail was defined as direct sales by fishers in informal settings, such as on the beach and streetside, or in small quantities to markets. In contrast, Trading referred to large-scale transactions that involved intermediaries and other stakeholders, including larger market operations and international trade deals. We categorized the scale of the market in each item as local (city), regional (Santa Catarina), national (Brazil), or international, and we recorded any intermediaries and sales venues that were mentioned.

When possible, aquatic organisms linked to the seafood value chain had their common name converted to scientific names at the minimum identified taxonomic level, based on local literature (Gerhardinger et al., 2020; Freire et al., 2021; Herbst et al., 2023). Only species mentioned more than five times, however, were included in the analysis to ensure we focused on the most prevalent data. Whaling was excluded because of its minor contribution to diet, and its overall declining importance from the late 19th century onwards. All data was tabulated in a spreadsheet (Supplementary information 1), and data visualization was performed using R software (R 4.3.0; ggplot and ggsankey) (Wickham, 2016; Sjoberg, 2021).

The data on production reveals that from the late 19th century throughout most of the 20th century the seafood value chain in Santa Catarina was largely associated with SSF (68.4%, n = 169 Production classifications), followed by the industrial sector (19.9%, n = 49) and then by the sharp rise of aquaculture (11.7%, n = 29) in the 21st century. The emergence of industrial fishing in the 1880s, and the later development of aquaculture in the 1980s and its expansion from 2000, coincided with reductions in SSF (Figure 2). Since the late 19th century, the newspapers reported a wide variety of SSF contributions to seafood production, ranging from direct capture for local markets, to supplying resources for the emerging industrial sectors (A Notícia, February 23, 1937, A Notícia, May 20, 1939, Correio do Povo, September 2, 1939), and specialized labor forces for industrial fleets and others states (O Estado, August 14, 24, 30, and 31, 1928), with the backing and interest of the navy (A Notícia, February 23, 1937). From 1880 to 1930, an emerging number of small fish processing enterprises attempted to establish themselves in Santa Catarina, focusing on the exploitation of shrimp (canned and dried) and fish (dried and salted), specifically targeting species such as mullet, black drum, shark, and bluefish. These early industries largely relied on purchasing their fish from small-scale fishers. Interest in specific local species was seen from the 1930s. For example, with cod being a prized and preferred food in Brazil, the identification of a similar species in Santa Catarina (“abrótea, gasper or Brazilian cod” - Gaddidae) presented an opportunity for market competition and attracted non-local vessels from the Companhia de Santos to the Santa Catarina coast (O Estado, August 14, 24, 30, and 31, 1928). These external fishing vessels were viewed as clandestine or even pirates by the local communities (O Estado, September 13, 1928; A Notícia, February 24, 1931). Similarly, sardines, nowadays a prominent product from Santa Catarina, were initially underutilised and mostly imported in canned form. Interest in local sardine resources began to emerge in the 1930s (A Notícia, May 20, 1939), and more systematic exploitation started in the city of Porto Belo via artisanal fishing methods (Correio do Povo, September 2, 1939). This eventually paved the way for the transition to industrial fishing practices.

From the 1960s, public fisheries subsidies provided by the Superintendency of Fisheries Development (SUDEPE), were intensified (Blumenau em Cadernos, March 1960; Correio do Povo, November 30, 1968), coinciding with the growth of the fishing industries in the Vale do Itajaí region in Santa Catarina (Blumenau em Cadernos, March 1960). A 2015 news report emphasized the disparity in fishing capacities between artisanal and industrial fishing, stating, “The industrial fleet has much greater fishing power compared to artisanal fishing” (Zero, July 2015), particularly in the context of mullet fisheries.

Aquaculture has been practised in Brazil since the 1980s, but it notably expanded in the 2000s in inland cities of Santa Catarina, such as Jaraguá do Sul, Brusque, Guaramirim, and Blumenau (Correio do Povo, April 6, 2004). Tilapia is the main fish species cultivated (Correio do Povo, April 10, 2001) in terms of aquaculture pounds. In 2009, a significant shift occurred in the national fishing industry management when Brazil established its first Ministry of Fisheries and Aquaculture. During a visit to Santa Catarina, Minister Altemir Gregolim underscored the goal of increasing fish production, particularly through aquaculture in Santa Catarina. He pointed out the need for greater industrialization and market expansion, noting that Brazil’s annual aquaculture exports stood at 9,000 tons, half of which originated from western Santa Catarina (O Município, July 22, 2009).

Out of the 124 news items covering fish processing, 679 instances were coded into the 9 different types of processing. The data reveals a consistent preference for fresh fish (44%, n = 300,), while dried and frozen fish both account for 11.3% (n = 77) of the methods, followed by canned (7.8%, n = 58), by-products (7.4%, n = 50), salted (6.6%, n = 45), filleted (5%, n = 34), sliced (2.3%, n = 18), and other methods (4%, n = 27), as presented in Figure 3. The period from 1880 to 1959 saw a wider array of processing methods. Until the 1930s, there was no mention of efficient, large-scale freezing techniques. Instead, fishers and traders employed a variety of methods, including drying/sun-drying, salting, canning, smoking, and cooking. Dried fish, in particular, was noted for its extended shelf life and utility during periods of scarcity (Zero, June 8, 1996). While not as commonly reported, salting, dried, and smoking are long-standing processing practices, ingrained in the cultural heritage of Brazilian coastal communities. Their sustained use may be attributed to traditional culinary customs, local preferences, or the practical benefits they provide for preserving and storing food. Today, the availability of dried and salted fish in Brazilian markets has significantly diminished, with the notable exception of cod (dried and salted).

Our results reveal that mullet (Mugil liza, 12%, n = 81) and shrimp (Penaeidae, 10%, n = 59) were the most frequently processed species. Notably, mullet has been subjected to every known processing technique (O Município, May 25, 2016). Beyond their flesh and roe (classified as “others”) for human consumption, mullet viscera were reported as fertilizer, and their oil was used as lubricant and fuel (“by-products”). Other taxa were also used for oil production, including Elasmobranchii (sharks and rays), cetaceans (dolphins and whales), and catfish (Ariidae). Up until the 1960s, a diverse array of by-products was exploited, but in modern times this category has been largely confined to shark fin exports.

Frozen seafood appeared in newspapers from the 1930s and 1940s. Fish fillets emerged as a processed product post-1950s and, alongside fresh and frozen fish, constitute one of the most prevalent processing methods in current times (Figure 4). The main species processed into fillets include tilapia (Oreochromis niloticus), drums (Sciaenidae, particularly “pescadinha”), Brazilian cod (Urophycis sp.), sardines (Sardinella brasiliensis), sole (Paralichthyidae) and hake (Merlucciidae).

The “others” category in seafood processing, up to the 1950s, was typically linked to cooked seafood for export. In contemporary practices, this category has evolved to include the processing of swimming crabs (Brachyura), which are sold shredded, and shucked shellfish (Bivalve). Mullet roe, considered as “others,” has been consistently harvested over time, with current trends showing an increased focus on its exportation as “bottarga” (O Município, May 25, 2016).

Although seafood production appears to have been mostly for local household and market consumption, imports of seafood, particularly processed species, have been documented since the 1870s and included canned fish (sardines – Clupeidae, shrimp – Penaeidae, anchovies – Engraulidae), salted and dried fish (cod – Gadidae), and, more recently, frozen varieties (salmon – Salmonidae, conger – Conger sp., hake – Merlucciidae). From 1870 onwards, evidence points to the export of dried (bluefish – Pomatomus saltatrix; shark - Elasmobranchii; shrimp – Penaeidae), salted (native catfish – Ariidae, Brazilian cod - Urophycis sp.), canned (shrimp; bivalves; mullet – Mugil liza; bluefish – Pomatomus saltatrix), and by-products (oil from Elasmobranchii, “colla” from fish viscera and shark fins). In 1907, concerns were raised about the excessive exports of dried shrimp reducing its availability to local consumers (Commercio de Joinville, May 18, 1907). Frozen seafood appeared in newspapers from the 1930s and 1940s, and filleting from the 1950s.

In our analysis, we traced the evolution of market dynamics, looking at both trading and retail aspects. We reviewed 137 news articles on trading and 115 on retail, leading to 269 market-related classifications that fell into the following categories: Local (62%, n = 168), Regional (7%, n = 18), National (18%, n = 48), Export (7%, n = 18), and Import (6%, n = 17). Local markets have consistently been a central part of the fish trade and consumption landscape in Santa Catarina (Figure 5), with retail sales playing a significant role. Regional and national markets have also been integral to Santa Catarina’s trade, with their importance growing after 1900 (Figure 5).

Seafood production from SSF was mostly distributed through intermediaries. These were reported as “pombeiros,” “correios” (A regeneração, June 6, 1884), or “açambarcadores” (O Dia, August 20, 1918) since the late 19th century. These intermediaries were often reported as wielding significant power and influence in the market and the seafood value chain by exploiting fishers, consumers, or both (O Imparcial, December 19, 1915; Republica, June 20, 1920; A Noticia, May 5, 1931; A Notícia, May 25, 1935). Low prices paid to fishermen and high prices charged to fishmongers and end consumers were particularly prevalent in the principal local and public markets of Santa Catarina, such as in the cities of Florianópolis, Joinville, São Francisco do Sul, Laguna, and Jaraguá do Sul.

Since the 1920s, advancements in infrastructure and technology, such as new roads, trucks, and refrigeration systems, enabled intermediaries to expand their market reach to regional, national, and even international levels (Republica, April 8, 1919; O Estado, June 5, 1929; Republica, June 8, 1929; O Estado, June 12, 1938; A Noticia, May 24, 1941). Their operations were supported by fishing guilds (Colônias de Pescadores, Boletim Commercial, November 1943) and facilitated by maritime shipping, for instance from the city of São Francisco do Sul (A Noticia, April 2, 1942).

As early as 1884, we found instances where small-scale fishers took action to regulate their catch sizes, aiming to mitigate market competition with intermediaries (A regeneração, June 6, 1884). When they opted to curtail their fishing efforts, a choice often necessitated by technological or market restrictions, they were stigmatized as lazy, unproductive, and lacking ambition (O Estado, October 18, 1926). Furthermore, local fishermen and citizens believed that establishing fish warehouses (entrepostos) with associated processing facilities would counteract the market dominance of intermediaries, activating the local market and ensuring fairer prices (A Gazeta, June 4, 1939; O Estado, June 12, 1938). The outcome, however, was contrary to their hopes. In the 1930s and 1940s, several species including mullet - a key food source accessible to all social classes - had prices rising to levels considered unaffordable and this was largely attributed to market speculations by intermediaries (A Noticia, August 12, 1932; O Estado, May 23, 1933; A Noticia, May 20, 1939; A Noticia, May 24, 1942). This trend has long persisted within the fishing communities of Santa Catarina, just as the belief in warehouses as a solution to reduce the influence of intermediaries in controlling SSF (Zero, November, 2012).

It is worth noting the almost complete absence of information on the role of women in the seafood value chain. Women were primarily mentioned in the context of their roles as “wives,” tasked with domestic duties including childcare and cooking (O Estado, May 17, 1937; Subcomissão Catarinense de Folclore, 1959). Nevertheless, while men’s participation in the fishing value chain is prominently featured in historical reports, a 1951 article (Subcomissão Catarinense de Folclore, Ed. 8) revealed that the process of “escalar” (which involves cleaning, salting, and drying) large catches of fish, like mullet, croaker, bluefishe, pompano, and yellowtail, was a family affair, with women playing a significant role and undertaking substantial work throughout this process. Gender was largely ignored otherwise, until a news item in 2016 raised attention to gender issues, particularly highlighting the often invisible role of women in the sector (Zero, June 2016).

The newspapers offer insights into how seafood was valued in society and the drivers of change in seafood habits. Throughout the historical record, 54 news articles specifically discussed aspects of fish consumption in Santa Catarina. The results show that in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, seafood production supplied, in particular, local household consumption and markets, together with the cultivation of cassava and the production of cassava flour for subsistence and local commerce (A Regeneração, June 18, 1885). This way of life gave rise to a distinct class of fishers, often perceived as impoverished individuals whose diets were mainly composed of fish, shellfish (particularly the cockle, known locally as “berbigão”), and flour (Republica, May 31, 1895). Fish and cassava flour, or “pirão,” became emblematic of Santa Catarina’s cuisine, inspiring a variety of recipes and food combinations (Subcomissão Catarinense de Folclore, 1991).

Public institutions such as military quarters (O Argos da província, December 23, 1856), prisons (A Regeneração, December 16, 1885), and hospitals (O Estado, November 1, 1899) were also part of this chain, as consumers. Amongst the most demanded species (fresh and dried) featured black drum, mullet, bluefish, and dried shark (locally termed “charque de cação”). By contrast, more distinguished varieties of fish, such as species with white flesh and fewer bones, or imported products (e.g., cod), were perceived as items for the elite (A Época, September 9, 1911).

Beginning in the 1930s, newspaper editorials started to reflect on the changing status of fish from a staple for the less affluent to a delicacy for the wealthy (A Noticia, August 7, 1938; Republica, October 22, 1937; A Noticia, May 24, 1942). News reports of seafood being sold at very high prices in restaurants and hotels also increased (A Noticia, May 25, 1935). These observations were often made against the backdrop of years marked by reduced fishing yields and inflated prices, which were attributed to overfishing (A Semana, July 21, 1920), adverse weather conditions (Republica, April 8, 1930), and economic downturns (A Noticia, September 18, 1936). Demand for fish increased in key urban centers in the states of Santos, São Paulo, and Rio de Janeiro, attracting non-local fishing companies to Santa Catarina that competed and acquired seafood products directly from local producers (O Dia, January 13, 1944). As a consequence, a considerable amount of seafood was diverted to outside markets, inflating local prices and affecting local livelihoods (e.g., O Estado, 09 July 1925; 13 September 1928, 06 October 1946, 25 June 1951, 25 August 1951; A Noticia, 23 February 1931).

The most frequently featured species in news about the fish value chain reflect dietary preferences, including mullet, shrimp, cod (Brazilian and imported), drum, bluefish, shark and, recently, tilapia. During the mullet season from May to July, towns were reported to be filled with the aroma of mullet, showcasing its culinary versatility through frying, drying/salting (“escalada”), stuffing, and baking. Its roe also appealed to many palates (O Estado, June 5, 1929). Similarly, shrimp was prepared in various ways and universally enjoyed (A Gazeta, March 14, 1935). Both mullet and shrimp, being abundant, became staples in high demand for direct consumption, local sale, or external trade in dried form. Their diverse preparation methods have cemented them as cultural traditions in the state (Subcomissão Catarinense de Folclore, 1991). However, noticeable population declines of these species in recent years have become a cause for concern (A Ponta, July 1993; Zero, June 2015).

The last few decades have witnessed notable changes in fish consumption trends in Santa Catarina, including: (i) decreased fish consumption, often limited to religious events (Semana Santa – Correio do Povo, March 22 April 2005; O Município, April 13, 2006); (ii) lower seasonal consumption due to storage capacities following advances in refrigeration technology (O Município, June 9, 2015); (iii) increased aquaculture, mainly tilapia (fish with white flesh and few bones) (Correio do Povo, 10 April 2001; O Município, 15 August 2008); (iv) preference for processed and easily prepared fish (O Município, April 5, 2012; March 28, 2018; April 24, 2017); (v) market competitiveness with imported fish - the high cost of national fish has made imported fish more accessible to Brazilians (O Município, June 5, 2019).