The purpose of this section is to outline how the Armed Forces of Great Britain can be traced back to the Acts of Union in 1707 when the Armed Forces of England and Scotland were amalgamated (26). Since the formation, the UK military has been involved in conflicts in 171 countries around the world (27). Furthermore this section illustrates how although figures vary, an estimate of between 136.5 and 148.5 million people died in wars and conflicts during the 20th Century. Of these, 13–15 million deaths were in World War I, and 65–75 million civilians and military personnel died in World War II (28). Alongside these figures, over 370,000 British military personnel were injured during WWII (29). Whilst Invictus is a global Games event for military veterans all participants in this study are from an ex-UK military context.

We aim to give context to the scale, scope, and size of this veteran sector in the UK using most recent government statistics (30) which report 1,568,945 full-time England and Wales ex-Service Personnel (as of April 2023). Most personnel were within the Army (56%) and the other 44% split evenly across the Royal Air Force (RAF) and the Royal Navy/Royal Marines (RN/RM). Whilst 14,630 people left the UK Armed Forces, 13,350 new personnel have joined over the past year. This is an increase of 19% more people leaving the Services than in the previous 12 months; this agrees with the trends shown in Figure 1 (31), that the key reasons for people leaving the military are; administrative (disciplinary/temperamental unsuitability), family related and medical reasons. Of the medical discharges between 2001 and 2014, 60% were for musculoskeletal injuries (32). There is currently no agreed definition for the military to civilian transition. Elnitsky et al. (33) suggest that it is best understood as the time period or process of moving from the military into civilian life, meaning that this can vary greatly between individuals. Notably, there is also no established start and/or end points for this transition, therefore a transition can start and end at different points depending on the individual, accounting for the noted variation in the length of time the transition may take.

As of January 2022, the updated Veterans' Strategy Action Plan aimed to provide additional benefits for UK veterans, including higher priority for housing, priority care for service-related conditions and access to specific support plans for mental health and prosthetics (34). As part of this, the NHS will be spending £18 million on veteran's healthcare. Additionally, there is an Armed Forces Pension Scheme (AFPS). This specific AFPS is an important financial component of the transition aspect, but we argue needs to be considered alongside socio-cultural aspects we explore in this paper for disabled veterans. For example, recent studies have found that transitioning out of the Armed Forces can be significantly harder for people with a physical disability (6, 8) regardless of the AFPS. The sense of purpose and belonging that the veteran previously had in the military feels as though it has been taken from them and they are required to start a new life outside of the Armed Forces.

In the following section the definition of disability is explored and explained in a domain we consider highly socio-cultural, physically and politically contested. The Equality Act (35) classes disability as “physical and mental impairment that has a “substantial” and “long-term” negative effect on the ability to do normal daily activities”. Since then, the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities has disregarded this description, recognising that disability is an “evolving concept” and should not have one set definition (36). More recently, models have aided our ability to conceptualise and therefore define disability. The medical phenomenon narrowly focuses on the person's impairment and limitations as a disabled person (37–39), rather than personal and social needs (40). It aims to “fix” the person, physically, with medicine or rehabilitation to reach normality. The charity approach is run side by side with this. Funding aids include additional facilities such as rehabilitation centres but have no power over people's lives as cited in the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (36). The social approach contrasts this and concludes that disability is found to be a result of the individual's dealings with an environment. Consequently, the resultant inequality is not due to the impairment of the individual, but because of societal injustice (41), leading to isolation and exclusion towards disabilities (42). Disability is a consequence of societal interaction in personal and environmental factors, not a “mistake” (43).

The use of sport and PA as a rehabilitation tool for WIS military veterans, and support mechanism for those undertaking the military to civilian transition, is not a new or recent phenomenon. In this section we suggest there is a pre-existing wealth of existing literature that highlights how sport and PA can have a positive influence on many aspects of veterans' lives, including providing enjoyable experiences, supporting personal development and growth, fostering social integration and enhancing physical and mental health (5, 44–46). In Caddick and Smith's (47) systematic review of literature examining the impact of sport and PA on veteran wellbeing, they noted a difference in the types of sport or PA being used, dependent on the type of veteran being targeted and the overall objective of the given programme or initiative. For veterans with a disability or physical injury, it was identified that adapted activities and competitive sport were the most common and effective approach (47). It is suggested that partaking in competitive sports encouraged veterans to accept their disability or injury, rather than being defined by it, and think more positively towards it, contributing both psychological and social benefits (4, 9, 48). Furthermore, being immersed in a competitive sporting environment also supported veterans to develop social connections, finding commonalities with peers that led to increasing confidence and feeling supported as they negotiate their life change, which include a physical injury or disability from service (1, 9, 48).

In addition to competitive sport, being faced with a physical challenge was also seen to motivate those with a physical injury or disability. A study by Burke and Utley (4) explored four injured veterans' stories of climbing Mt. Kilimanjaro and found that being able to accomplish more than initially expected, upon first sustaining the injury, led to a profound sense of achievement and determination. Much like the phenomenological lens espoused by Hawkins et al. (44), the self-determination theory (SDT) (49) was used as a theoretical framework to understand the autonomy, competence, and relatedness of the veterans' experience. However, this has not been explored in depth within the paradigms of sport and PA. Most recently a study was undertaken examining Team Ukraine veterans and the use of an international sporting event for veterans living with disabilities and injured active-duty personnel, led by the United States Department of Defense Warrior Games (50). But the Invictus Games, as a far wider larger global event, has not been examined in detail.

Despite these noteworthy impacts and benefits of sport and PA, Caddick and Smith (47) also warn that sport and PA are not a universal remedy for improving veterans lives overall, suggesting that a balanced model of rehabilitation is necessary, encompassing broader factors such as employment, finance, and future planning. This is a sentiment echoed in the SfD literature, which highlights that sport and PA are not the necessary factors for key personal and developmental changes to occur (51, 52). Instead, it is often the mechanisms, processes, and experiences that surround sport and PA that foster changes, and this is a notion that much of the existing literature on the IG points towards (3, 7).

Only in very recent studies has it started to be explored that the IG plays an important role in assisting veterans with an injury or disability in their recovery, using sport and PA as a mechanism to support them to navigate their life change (2, 3, 7). The 2014 emergence of IG also marks monumental shift in the cultural representation of WIS veterans, as depicted through the lens of sports and PA (53). Through this platform, WIS military personnel are portrayed in a way that challenges the conventional image of the powerful and heroic military and instead highlights complex political narratives of overcoming and redemption (2, 7). The IG narrative encourages us to feel pride, sentimentality, and respect towards disabled veterans who have overcome significant obstacles and promotes the “recovery” aspect. After experiencing traumatic injuries, engaging in sport and PA can give veterans a new sense of direction and purpose. Thus, allowing focus on ability and achievement, whilst providing an avenue for social bonding and camaraderie (7). However, Ives et al. (54) suggest that, when promoting sport and PA to people with disabilities, there should be less of a focal point on 'sport' and more of a push for “activity”, thus, placing an emphasis on the leisure and social aspects. Thus, marking a notable difference between the IG and the Paralympic games, where the IG places greater emphasis on community, support and belonging alongside participation in competitive sport.

Similarly, Caddick et al. (5) found that correspondent with limbless veterans' age, there was an empirical focus on narrating the minimization limb-loss, rather than the triumphs of sporting achievements. This is likely due to younger veterans being the focus of these successes. The main theme throughout focused on maintaining independence, alongside a narrative typology which included four recurring types (struggling against decline, minimization, victimhood and life-as-normal) as a primary emphasis. However, there was absent data when exploring the fifth type of “dramatic overcoming”. This may be culturally prominent in initiatives such as IG, for younger veterans.

In this section we signpost the reader to the notion that for those transitioning from the military, with a disability or injury acquired from their service, this can present more significant and complex transition-related challenges. The sense of purpose and belonging that a veteran previously has as a part of the military requires adjustment and new “rules” (5, 6, 8, 12, 13, 55). Disability is a contested concept, and the definition of disability has evolved over time, with the medical and social models aiding its conceptualisation. The recent Veterans' Strategy Plan aims to provide additional benefits for the UK veterans, including higher priority for housing, priority care for service-related conditions, and access to specific support plans for mental health and prosthetics. However, transitioning out of the Armed Forces can be particularly difficult for people with physical disabilities. Overall, the UK military continues to play a vital role in global security, and it is essential to provide adequate support and resources for veterans who have served their country. Further exploration was recommended (6) to conduct additional research to better comprehend the militarised narratives that were not discussed in their study due to the ageing-population sample. They suggested exploring how the “dramatic overcoming” narrative is investigated through other initiatives such as the IG, to aid younger veterans in surmounting the challenges of physical disabilities and transitioning out of the military. It is this agenda that this paper seeks to meet.

Participants were recruited via the WIS Invictus Games Foundation Noticeboard through the researcher's gatekeepers. Eight participants (five female and three male) were interviewed. The criteria necessary for each participant was: (a) over 18 years old; (b) have a physical impairment; (c) participate/previously participated in a IG sport or PA; (d) have transitioned out of the military.

Following ethical approval from a University Faculty ethics committee, informed consent was obtained, and a mutually convenient time was scheduled for the participants' MS Teams interview. Face-to-face interviews would have been preferrable to build rapport for the participant, however, after taking disability, mobility, and geographical dispersion into account, this was not possible. These interviews ranged from 45 to 115 min in duration, allowing the researcher to establish a rich, textured and layered rapport and gain insight into the lives of the veterans. Semi-structured interviews facilitated the researcher to gain additional depth into an understanding of the participants “lived experiences” by exchanging open-ended dialogue (56, 57). This allowed for opinions, concepts, and ideas throughout the interview, yet encouraged new articulated answers and feelings (58) to provide richer data. In some cases, due to anonymity and identifiability we have not included full details but the details the participants felt comfortable with us mentioning. Interview topics used were semi-structured in nature, but allowed for discussion around threads of stories, life events and experiences. Our topic guide included overarching questions to drive the story telling in our narrative approach. These included military and prior civilian sporting experiences and identity, regimental and service history, disability (medical), disability (social meanings, beliefs and attitudes), broad transition experience, the role of sport and physical activity, Invictus Games experience, training, identity and community, and other aspects of identity and narratives.

We have redacted small regiments, specifics of age, injury and those performing in IG as it would mean they could be easily identified. The breakdown of respondents can be seen in the Table 1 below:

The veterans' stories were critically understood by using the conceptual model and typology from Caddick et al. (6), this can be seen in Figure 1 below. At present there is no theoretical framework specifically available for the transition of veterans through sport and physical activity. This is in part why this theory and associated concepts were used, and in part why it is a good starting point in a novel area. They discovered four dominant narrative types of 'struggling against decline', “minimization”, “victimhood”, and “life-as-normal” throughout the veterans' stories. These types were used as a structure for questions when interviewing the participants in this study. Although some follow the typologies exactly, some narratives are less set to specific types, overlapping and interplaying throughout their stories. An advantage of using a typology is to “render orderly what initially seems merely individual in its variety” (59:46), thus, preserving the complexity of the participants stories. Moreover, using a typology of narratives underlined similarities between the participants stories whilst preserving their different experiences (6). However, the narratives identified should be viewed as the overarching themes of the participants' stories, rather than being perceived as compressed into simplified types. We note Caddick et al's (6; 3) cautionary sense that, “we also consider the narrative types as relational, with the fluidity and interplay between them represented by the following conceptual model”. The authors also suggest that we must guard against simplicity and the pigeon holing of stories into such neat themes and categories. For this reason, we use the framing model as an abductive starting point, aware that in reality our starting point is in itself fluid, relational constructed and political.

The theory of ableism (61) refers to discrimination against the individuals with disabilities, often resulting in the privileging of able-bodied individuals. Thus, para-sport is less likely to get the recognition, attention, and support that it deserves (60, 61). This intersects with the experiences of disabled veterans and the typology employed by Caddick et al. (6). For instance, the narrative type of 'struggling against decline' as veterans are coping with physical conditions resulting from their service, highlights the challenges that disabled veterans face in navigating a society that is designed for able-bodied individuals alongside the lack of access to resources and support.

Interviews were recorded and transcribed using Microsoft Teams (Microsoft Press Richmond, WA, USA) and compressed into electronic text files. A Voice Tracer was used as a second form of recording and transcription device. The transcriptions were read, compared and corrected against the audio file. These recordings were deleted, and pseudonyms were used to preserve the confidentiality of the participants (57). A narrative analysis method was used to focus on each participants narrative, in story form (56, 57, 62). We employed an abductive research design here moving between data and theory, literature and evidence back and forth. This was preferred to maintain the complex interplay and textured fabric of the participants lives, feelings and their experiences (56) and suits narrative analysis. Similarly, Caddick et al. (6) used narrative analysis to understand what a particular story does, in relation to the teller and the listener, calling interest to the inherently social process by which stories encourage people to be who they are and helps us understand what they do (6]; Reissman). The participants stories were interpreted using a dialogical narrative approach (59), on the premises that the participant is considered as an authority of their own experiences, implying that the interviewer's role is to gain knowledge and learn from them. Thus, recognising the hermeneutic openness and the unfinalisability of the stories told by the veterans (59, 63). However, consideration was taken when using any type of narrative analysis. The stories were generalised and are far more complex than they come across when compressed into several types. Moreover, there is fluidity and interplay between them represented by the following conceptual model (6).

Despite issues including limited mobility or unbearable pain, many veterans feel the need to continue to maintain their independence, whilst 'struggling against decline'. Although Caddick et al. (6) compares the stories of ageing and limb-loss, the struggling against decline narrative is applicable to those in this study as they battle against the decline of their disabilities and impairments, to maintain independence. Engaging in independent challenges and activities can positively impact recovery and well-being, as found by Burke and Utley (4). This struggle for independence occurs in sports and activities where people with disabilities, like those who use wheelchairs, may receive unnecessary assistance due to society's perception of their capabilities. In both cases, individuals strive to maintain their independence despite the challenges they face:

Rather than emphasizing the challenges they faced, numerous narratives focussed on the capabilities of the veterans and the tasks they are still able to perform. Thus, relating to the militarised mindset that veterans have due to their time in the Armed Forces (8). Despite some having to modify their daily tasks to accommodate their disabilities, the veterans expressed a preference for living as 'struggling against decline' as independently as they can, without relying on the aid of others:

Again, this further emphasis here is aligned to the Caddick et al. (6) conceptualisation and it features of struggling against decline. Grimmell (15) in citing the seminal work on military transition by Brunger et al. (64, 95) proposes,

As the analysis across our established Caddick model (6) will show nuances by military identities from a sociological perspective offer fresh insights to this established typology. But whilst the three categories are of relevance, military transition and social identity is a highly individualised process (65).

According to Caddick et al. (6), the minimization narrative involves recognising that some veterans seen in this study do not want their injuries and disabilities to be the primary focus of their lives and stories. For example, rather, they chose to emphasise their prosperous careers and achievements after their injuries, emphasising the importance of returning to a sense of normalcy despite their impairments:

Does it affect my life? Yes. Do I let it affect my life? No. (Lynne)

Terry shared that they continued to participate in sport and PA even after injury or leaving the military. Hawkins et al. (44) found that engaging in sports allowed them to alter their self-perception following their injury and look past their disabilities. For many, this was a way of feeling accepted and perceived as “normal”, even if it meant utilising adapted forms of activity. It was heartening for them when people could not recognise their disability, validating their efforts to normalise their lives:

I opted for a trike… it allows me to be normal, whatever normal is… I want to be able to try to hide it (the disability) because I want to do what everyone else can… I'm quite strong and I keep fit… I like people to say, “Can you do that?” and I will have a go. (Terry)

Another characteristic that distinguished minimisation was the focus on promoting equal contribution to society having left the military with a disability and therefore, demonstrating one's competence at the same level as able-bodied individuals. According to Caddick and colleagues' (2014) systematic review, most of the studies indicated that veterans, despite being medically discharged, could lead “fairly normal” lives within the constraints of their physical limitation:

I haven't struggled. I've done pretty well on job interviews and things like that. I've been in employment since I've left the military. I found it difficult, but I've not found it difficult to get a job. (Luke)

These neat boundaries are also challenging using this theoretical model and framework, as we set out at the start of this paper the move away from “broad transition” ideas to individual journeys and narratives. But the conceptual richness of the Caddick et al. (6) framing does align to the stories in this IG focused paper. Furthermore, this narrative is, in itself, a strong contrast to “aborted transition” between the two dichotomous cultures (military and civilian) suggested by some studies (15).

The victimhood narrative has become an important channel for understanding injuries sustained by military personnel during combat, often leading and assisting their medical discharge. Although controversial, society is focussing on celebrating victimhood, attempting to understand soldiers' experiences and portray them as “normal” (44) through the conceptual development of sympathy towards veterans and amplifying frustration at the Government for permitting victimisation to occur (6). This is closely linked to the notion of being able to the construction of a fulfilling civilian identity after service (55).

During interviews, a substantial number of veterans expressed a deep and real sense of frustration and anger about how they were treated as well as their concerns for the future treatment of veterans after leaving the military. Such emotions felt hard to analyses in a neat conceptual box. But by adopting the stance of being a victim, we can see how individuals can rationalise their challenge to authority, and both advise and request preferential treatment (66). This was often emphasised when listening to how and what the veterans want to see theoretically changed enacted for their lived identities and narratives (6):

I've said if anyone goes through this in the next months or years, be conscious of X… you’ll get to the point easier and not frustrate the individual along the process… Another thing I found frustrating, although I had no choice in being medically discharged, after 16 years, I was a career person, I aimed to stay in the military, but that was taken away from me… I wasn't allowed to join the Reserves. They were telling me that everything that I've worked for over the years, I can no longer have any involvement with. (Luke)

In contrast, however, using sport and PA as a means of recovery and support when leaving the Armed Forces may not always be feasible. In some ways this challenges the very notion of sport frameworks such as Caddick et al. (5) and others before him may conceptualise. A veteran, who was medically discharged, shared his experience of taking legal action in the hopes of seeking justice after being pressured to perform, despite not feeling capable at the time. The individual continues to face challenges with everyday tasks and is no longer able to perform the same level of sport or PA as before:

I told the instructors on the day, as we were running, that I wasn't feeling good, and I was told to “crack on”… I started suing the army. It was more to get the Army to admit what they had done wrong rather than the money side of things. It took a long time to get them to do it… I knew, roughly, the realms of what they were going to pay me out. And it is life changing… The next day I woke up and I was thinking about it… I got emotional because it doesn't matter how much money someone throws at you, that injury is still there. It's never going away. I felt cheated. (Andre)

Andre's narrative portrays a critical sense that sport and PA may not be the vehicle or panacea we perceive to address complex societal and individual transition dilemmas.

The life-as-normal narrative shows some relevance to where the veterans' do not want to share their illness, injury, or traumatic experiences. They wish to preserve the normality that the social world takes away from them, and, subconsciously resent them being treated differently. The life-as-normal narrative seeks to minimize illness. As such, it highlights how societal norms around masculinity (8), such as being physically able, stable and successful, can shape the expectations of disabled veterans:

However, there should be careful consideration when theoretically using this narrative. There should be an understanding as to whether this is how all veterans wish to speak about their past or whether it is just coincidence of the ones selected. Healthy and able-bodied individuals must be careful that they are not choosing to treat the veterans’ lives as normal, to avoid awkwardness (59). Moreover, Frank (59) expressed that the “life-as-normal” narrative presents another issue when people are required to speak about their illness or disabilities. When normality is unsustainable and acknowledgment is required, particularly if the illness could become worse, it is more difficult to communicate if they have been treated as “normal” previously. Many veterans interviewed referred to able-bodied people as “normal” with a large emphasis on the fact that they (the wounded) are not “normal” per se:

The very human meanings attached to “normal” living, return to normal, and the process of transition are shown here to be inherently complex. Furthermore, analysis of these narrative stories indicates the challenge of speaking about their disabilities.

The IG competitor represents the prevailing contemporary narrative of dramatic overcoming, which has come to epitomise the rehabilitation process which analytically perhaps has most potential for buy in through such research spaces. It has appeal, and respondents talk of such identity components through their stories. These narratives tend to emphasise the athletic feats of injured veterans (5). The cultural prominence of the Invictus narratives has contributed to the widespread adoption of the dramatic overcoming of disability as the preferred mode of storytelling. Previous studies that did not find evidence of dramatic overcoming imply that the facilities and opportunities available to veterans were not as plentiful as they are today. Caddick et al.'s (6) study, which focused on an older age group, revealed that sporting opportunities were less pertinent, accessible, and attractive to veterans, hence the absence of data in the study. In contrast, dramatic overcoming was prevalent in this study, likely because the participants were young and recruited through the IG Foundation page. For them, much like previous research (2, 4, 44, 48), challenge and competitive sports played a pivotal role in their mental and physical recovery:

As participants trained towards significant challenges, they utilised sport and PA as a form of self-medication. Research conducted by Brittain et al. (2) found that sport competitors benefited from the competitive and goal-directed rehabilitation, which aided in improving the physical, social, and psychological impacts of their injuries in an engaging and demanding way: