Human beings are social entities who continuously display behaviors within society. The factors influencing these behaviors have long been a subject of interest. Among these factors, gender plays a crucial role in understanding the underlying causes of behavior. Although often considered a biological concept (1), gender in fact represents a cultural construct encompassing the personality traits, expected roles, and responsibilities attributed to men and women (2–6). The most critical dimension of this cultural construct is rooted in deeply held beliefs and values (7, 8).

People differ in their gender beliefs. Some adopt traditional gender roles such as the “feminine woman” or the “masculine man,” whereas others may internalize both masculine and feminine roles to varying degrees (9). Supporting this notion, Beauvoir’s famous statement “One is not born, but rather becomes, a woman” emphasizes that gender differentiation is not only biological but also a psychological and cultural process (10, 11). Accordingly, the cultural values, beliefs, and attitudes of societies teach individuals how to behave as men or women, either in accordance with or contrary to their biological identities (12). This highlights the concept of gender, which refers to the relational nature of being male or female and the socially constructed roles associated with each (13–16). These socially constructed roles are considered one of the most significant factors distinguishing humans from animals (17). However, these roles, rather than being equally distributed, have historically been institutionalized in favor of men (18). As a result, gender-based inequalities have predominantly been applied to women (19), leading to various forms of deprivation of rights (20).

Historically, patriarchal cultural structures have reinforced male dominance (21). Men have often been associated with superior rationality, and in some belief systems even identified with the divine (22, 23). This inequality, evident in all aspects of society, becomes particularly pronounced in the field of sports (14). Sports environments are areas where individuals are frequently exposed to pressure, competition, and performance expectations (24). Although such environments may not explicitly distinguish between male and female participants, they are socially classified into masculine and feminine domains (25, 26). Many sports are therefore perceived as masculine domains due to their association with physical strength, competitiveness, and achievement (27). This division of sports along gender lines directly affects patterns of participation, specialization, and experiences in sport. Female athletes, in particular, often encounter greater discrimination and exclusion when participating in sports culturally defined as “masculine” (28, 29). Studies have shown that women who act against gender norms, especially in male-dominated sports, experience heightened levels of stress and pressure, which may negatively impact their motivation (30–32). Furthermore, due to the predominance of feminine sports compared to masculine ones, women’s participation in sports is generally less encouraged (33, 34). Female athletes must therefore not only maintain their athletic performance but also cope with societal expectations. Indeed, the balance female athletes strive to maintain socially and athletically can significantly impact their motivation and athletic stress levels (35, 36). Therefore, the psychological and social roles of female athletes should be examined within the context of sports. In support, Çam (37) stated that providing a positive psychological environment is essential for good performance. The psychological burden imposed by these societal expectations manifests as gender role stress (38). This stress can be defined as a type of social anxiety arising from the perception of failing to conform to gender norms or feeling inadequate in relation to them (39). Importantly, experiencing stress does not necessarily imply negative outcomes for individuals. Burton (40) emphasized that adequate and balanced levels of stress are associated with higher performance. In other words, improving performance requires achieving an optimal level of stress. Within the sports arena, athletes are continually confronted with both internal and external stressors (41). Motivation serves as the driving force regulating both internal and external factors (42, 43). Motivation is therefore a critical determinant in understanding the reasons behind behaviors (44). Derived from the root word motive (45), motivation develops in proportion to the satisfaction gained from the activity being undertaken (46). In sports settings, motivation determines not only participation but also continuity, making it a key factor in athletic success (47). Thus, both optimal stress and motivation play critical roles in sustaining participation in sports, overcoming challenges, and achieving success in terms of performance.

Indeed, a review of the literature revealed that the relationship between gender and motivation has not been specifically examined in the sample of female athletes (48). Studies on gender roles have generally been descriptive, and a lack of empirical studies in this regard has been noted. Furthermore, it has been determined that motivational assessments are limited, and detailed regulatory dimensions in this context have not been examined. Therefore, this gap in the literature has become even more pronounced in the cultural context. This study aims to contribute to a better understanding of research and practice in the field by offering insights into how female athletes manage gender role stress and how their athletic motivation can be directed accordingly.

In this section, the statistical analyses conducted to examine the relationships between female gender role stress and sport motivation are presented. Prior to the main analyses, the data were tested for normality, and all variables were found to meet the assumptions required for parametric testing. Descriptive statistics, Pearson correlation coefficients, and simple linear regression analyses were subsequently employed to determine the nature and strength of the associations among variables. The results are organized to first present the descriptive characteristics of the participants, followed by the correlations between years of sport experience, gender role stress, and the dimensions of sport motivation. Finally, regression analyses are reported to assess the predictive power of female gender role stress on motivational regulation dimensions.

In Table 1, the skewness and kurtosis values of the scale dimensions used in the study were examined, and it was found that the skewness values ranged between −0.941 and 0.019, while the kurtosis values ranged between −0.464 and 0.143.

According to the results of the multiple correlation analysis, no statistically significant relationship was found between years of sports experience participation and the female gender role stress dimension (n(138) = −0.092; p > 0.05). However, years of sports experience showed a positive and low-level correlation with the identified regulation dimension (n(138) = 0.234, p < 0.01), the integrated regulation dimension (n(138) = 0.282**; p < 0.01), and the intrinsic motivation dimension (n(138) = 0.223**; p < 0.01) of sport motivation (Table 2).

According to the results of the multiple correlation analysis, a positive and low-level significant relationship was found between the female gender role stress dimension and the sport motivation dimensions of identified regulation (r = 0.191; p < 0.05), integrated regulation (r = 0.174; p < 0.05), introjected regulation (r = 0.204*; p < 0.05), and intrinsic motivation (r = 0.171*; p < 0.05; Tables 2, 3).

According to the results of the simple linear regression analysis presented in Table 4, female gender role stress was found to have a significant effect on the identified regulation dimension, accounting for 3.6% of the variance (R² = 0.036, p < 0.05). Female gender role stress was found to have a significant effect on the integrated regulation dimension, accounting for 3% of the variance (R² = 0.030; p < 0.05). Female gender role stress was found to have a significant effect on the introjected regulation dimension, accounting for 4.2% of the variance (R² = 0.042; p < 0.05). Female gender role stress was found to have a significant effect on the intrinsic motivation dimension, accounting for 3% of the variance (R² = 0.029; p < 0.05). When the analysis results are examined, it is noted that the findings are significant but the effect level is low. Additionally, when the semi-partial effect size (sr² = 0.037) and Cohen’s f² value (f² = 0.036) were examined, the dependent variable, Identified Regulation (sr² = 0.037; f² = 0.036), Integrated Regulation, (sr² = 0.031; f² = 0.030), Introjected Regulation (sr² = 0.044; f² = 0.041) and Intrinsic Motivation (sr² = 0.030; f² = 0.029) was found to be low.

This study examined the extent to which female athletes’ perceptions of gender role stress influence their sport motivation, with findings evaluated in relation to years of sports participation and the dimensions of the scales employed.

The results revealed that participants’ perceptions of gender role stress were related to their motivation for sports. Accordingly, it can be suggested that the social norms imposed on women shape the psychological burden in sport and highlight the presence of a socially constructed motivational framework. Previous research has also shown that stress perceptions based on gender norms may have important effects on individuals’ psychological stance and motivational levels in sports contexts (32, 55). In this regard, it should be noted that stress is not always a negative parameter but can contribute positively to motivation when experienced at an optimal level (56, 57). In this sense, female athletes experiencing gender role-related stress might interpret this pressure as a challenge rather than a threat, thereby transforming stress into a motivational driver. On the other hand, contrary to the present findings, Bayer, et al. (58) reported that motivation and gender roles do not interact. This discrepancy may be explained by the balancing of gender differences through processes of social modernization. Another possible explanation could be the role of social desirability bias in self-report data, where female athletes may underreport gender role stress to align with socially progressive expectations. Moreover, the interaction between perceived competence and gender identity may buffer the negative effects of gender role stress on motivation.

Regression analyses indicated low-level effects on internalized motivational dimensions such as identified and internal regulation. From the perspective of Self-Determination Theory (59), these results suggest that female athletes derive a sense of autonomy and competence from sport participation, which transforms externally imposed stress into self-determined motivation. Furthermore, in the Turkish sociocultural context, where gender norms remain relatively traditional, participation in sports may function as a subtle form of social resistance and self-empowerment. While this is not explored in the current study, it can contribute theoretically to the interpretation of the study. Similar patterns have been observed in studies from other patriarchal cultures (60, 61), indicating a universal mechanism where sport acts as both a psychological and sociocultural coping strategy for women. The relatively small effect sizes may be related to women’s socio-economic empowerment (60) and the fact that participants’ motivational orientations are shaped more by factors such as coach-team relationships, family, and internal resources than by gender norms (62–66). In this context, sport is widely recognized to exert positive effects in mitigating stress-related problems (67). Therefore, in the current sample, gender norms did not undermine motivation but rather appeared to strengthen athletes’ minimal commitment (61). This may be linked to women’s tendency to adopt a “fight rather than flight” stance in the face of social challenges.

Regarding years of sports experience, no significant relationship was found with gender role stress. Stress is defined as the individual’s response to potential threats from the environment (68, 69). Consistent with this, several studies have indicated that athletic experience does not significantly affect stress levels (70). In sports contexts, stress is directly connected to pressures, perceptions of competition, and performance expectations (71). Beyond athletic performance, however, stress also emerges from socially imposed roles (24), creating additional stressors for athletes (31). Nevertheless, no strong evidence exists in the literature regarding changes in gender role stress as a function of years of participation in sport. This suggests that gender role stressors are more closely related to societal expectations and cultural norms rather than athletic background or experience.

When the relationship between years of sports experience and the sport motivation was examined, no significant correlations were found with amotivation, external regulation, and introjected regulation. This finding does not support the expectation that years of sports experience might be linked to amotivation. Motivation is defined as the driving force that initiates and sustains behavior (72), whereas amotivation reflects feelings of inefficacy and lack of perceived control over behavior (73, 74). In contrast to the current findings, some studies have reported that amotivation decreases as years of participation increase (75, 76). However, other studies consistent with the present research have also found no significant relationship between activity duration and amotivation (77). This discrepancy may be due to the fact that participants in this study were active athletes who voluntarily engaged in sport. Similarly, the absence of significant relationships in external and introjected regulation may reflect participants’ ability to neutralize external pressures. Supporting this, some studies have also reported no significant associations in these dimensions (76).

Conversely, significant relationships were identified with intrinsic motivation, identified regulation, and integrated regulation. These results suggest that motivation is not primarily determined by external factors but is directly linked to intrinsic needs and psychological processes (53, 59, 78). Based on these findings, it may be concluded that motivation types can develop as years of sports participation increase.

The present study investigated the effects of gender role stress perceptions on female athletes’ sport motivation. The findings demonstrated relationships between gender role stress and the internalized dimensions of motivation. Regression analyses indicated that gender role stress explained a limited proportion of variance in these dimensions. Nevertheless, overall, the results suggest that as female athletes’ perceptions of gender role stress minimally increase, their motivation toward sport also increases. This finding indicates that despite gender-based pressures, female athletes may use sport as a coping strategy, highlighting its supportive role in enhancing motivation. These findings also have practical implications for coaches and sport psychologists working with female athletes in patriarchal societies such as Türkiye. Interventions that emphasize autonomy support and gender-sensitive coaching practices may enhance motivation and resilience, transforming gender role stress into a constructive psychological resource.