Police work takes place in a uniquely complex environment where operational, emotional and ethical demands converge. Unlike other professions in the public sector, police work places officers in situations where they must balance protecting citizens, managing conflicts and making immediate decisions under pressure (Bishopp et al., 2020). This combination makes the police a group that is particularly exposed to prolonged psychological stress. Numerous studies have pointed out that continuous exposure to risky situations, aggressive or unregulated behaviour by third parties, and scenes of human suffering increases the emotional burden on police personnel and can affect their psychological well-being (Hartley et al., 2012; Garbarino et al., 2013; Violanti et al., 2017).

In addition to the risks associated with critical incidents—such as assaults, pursuits, or accidents—police work also involves activities that, although less dramatic, cause sustained wear and tear: long hours, shift work, frequent contact with people in crisis, accumulated bureaucracy, and the need to maintain constant attention. Over time, this sustained pressure can lead to emotional fatigue, irritability, sleep difficulties, feelings of detachment and, in the most extreme cases, burnout or trauma-related symptoms (McCanlies et al., 2018; Gascon-Santos et al., 2024). However, it is important to emphasise that the presence of these conditions does not make police officers an intrinsically vulnerable group; what the literature reveals is that the psychological impact depends on the interaction between the individual and their professional context.

Beyond policing, research conducted in other public service professions exposed to aggression has shown similar patterns of psychological impact. For instance, Gascon-Santos et al. (2024) found that repeated exposure to aggressions among primary care health professionals was associated with higher levels of post-traumatic stress symptoms and burnout. These findings.

reinforce the relevance of analysing aggression-related stress as a cross-cutting occupational risk in professions involving direct interaction with the public, including policing.

In this regard, research over the last fifteen years has begun to shift from an approach focused exclusively on risks to a more balanced perspective oriented towards protective factors. This transformation has been driven by accumulated evidence showing that, even in high-pressure contexts, many agents maintain healthy levels of emotional and professional functioning. This capacity for adaptation has led to a more detailed study of elements such as resilience, social and organisational support, emotional literacy and police culture as modulators of well-being (Andersen et al., 2015; Arble and Arnetz, 2017).

Among the most consistent factors, resilience occupies a central place. In the police field, it is not understood as an innate trait, but rather as a dynamic process that combines cognitive skills, coping strategies, emotional flexibility, and team cohesion. Recent research shows that programmes aimed at strengthening resilience not only reduce psychological distress, but also increase operational confidence and a sense of self-efficacy in the face of critical events (Schaible and Gecas, 2010). This suggests that resilience is not only an individual resource, but also a collective one: colleagues, supervision, and leadership directly influence how officers interpret and manage stressful situations.

Added to this component is organisational support, an element that has been extensively studied in occupational psychology. In police forces, perceived support from the institution—especially from immediate superiors—is associated with lower levels of burnout, greater job satisfaction, and a better internal climate (Shane, 2010). Officers who feel that their organisation supports them, recognises their work, and provides safe spaces to express difficulties show better emotional adjustment, even when faced with traumatic incidents. Conversely, a rigid, overly hierarchical or insensitive work culture can increase feelings of isolation and exacerbate the impact of operational stress (Shane, 2010; Manzoni and Eisner, 2006; Tucker, 2015). Another fundamental aspect is emotional literacy, understood as the ability to identify, understand and regulate one’s own and others’ emotions. Although this area was not traditionally part of police training, it has become increasingly important in recent years.

Studies conducted on European and North American police forces show that emotional regulation predicts the ability to de-escalate conflicts, make decisions under pressure, and adapt after complex interventions. Likewise, emotional literacy is associated with a lower risk of impulsive behaviour, excessive reactivity, or empathy fatigue. At the same time, the literature has highlighted the value of a sense of purpose. Police professional identity is often deeply linked to values such as service, protection and justice. When these values are aligned with everyday practice, officers experience a deep sense of meaning in their work, which acts as a buffer against stress (Bakker et al., 2005; Schaufeli et al., 2006; Kuo, 2015). Conversely, when there is a perceived disconnect between the institutional mission and the actual working conditions, frustration, cynicism or loss of motivation may arise (Bakker et al., 2005).

Finally, the psychosocial climate and leadership play a decisive role. A clear, predictable, fair and cohesive working environment promotes well-being. Middle managers, in particular, are key figures: their communication style, their ability to recognise effort and their sensitivity to the emotional burden of the team directly influence the mental health of staff (Hartley et al., 2012; Carleton et al., 2018). In fact, emerging studies indicate that transformational leadership — based on trust, support and shared vision — reduces operational stress and improves the atmosphere of unity (Aymerich et al., 2021).

Despite these findings, the literature remains fragmented and scattered across different approaches. A conceptual framework is needed that clearly synthesises the protective factors identified and integrates them into an operational model that is accessible to police institutions. This article responds to this need by proposing a model that articulates five pillars—resilience, organisational support, emotional literacy, sense of purpose, and work climate—with the aim of guiding preventive programmes, continuing education, and wellness strategies specifically designed for police forces.

This proposal is aligned with the organisational perspective on burnout proposed by Leiter and Maslach (2004, 2016), according to which psychosocial risks are not only a problem for the individual, but mainly for organisational structures, also incorporating an integrative vision based on the interaction between personal and contextual factors (Gascon-Santos et al., 2024).

This research is based on a narrative review of the literature, an appropriate approach when the objective is not to quantify effects or compare specific interventions, but rather to understand, integrate, and synthesise existing knowledge about a complex phenomenon such as mental health in the police environment. This type of review allows for the incorporation of diverse perspectives, drawn from occupational psychology, policing studies, organisational leadership, and the neuroscience of stress, offering a broader view than that provided by a strictly systematic design (Leiter and Maslach, 2004, 2016).

The literature review identified a relatively consistent set of protective factors that recur in studies from different countries and police forces. Although each study approaches police well-being from specific angles, five major themes emerge which, taken together, offer a clear picture of the elements that promote mental health in this group: individual and group resilience, social and organisational support, emotional skills, sense of purpose, and work environment. These axes do not operate in isolation; on the contrary, most studies point to interactions between them, which highlights the need to conceive of police psychological health as a multidimensional phenomenon. A summary of the main studies reviewed and their contribution to the identified thematic areas is presented.

Table 2 presents a selection of the most representative studies included in the narrative review, chosen for their conceptual relevance and illustrative value across the identified thematic areas. The remaining studies (n = 10) were also considered in the thematic synthesis but are not displayed in the table to avoid redundancy, in line with the narrative review approach.

The table summarises a selection of the most representative studies found in the search, without being exhaustive, consistent with the narrative review approach.

The purpose of this narrative review was to synthesise existing evidence on protective factors for police mental health and to integrate these findings into an applied conceptual framework to guide prevention-oriented strategies in policing contexts. The discussion that follows interprets the reviewed literature in light of this objective, highlighting how individual, organisational and cultural factors interact to promote psychological well-being.

The results of this narrative review show that mental health in the police force does not depend solely on individual factors, but rather emerges from a complex interaction between personal, organisational and cultural elements. Although resilience, emotional regulation, and sense of purpose provide important resources at the individual level, the reviewed literature suggests that the institutional environment and the quality of leadership have a decisive influence on the psychological experience of officers (Aymerich et al., 2021). This conclusion coincides with recent trends in occupational psychology, which emphasise the need for systemic and organisational models to understand well-being in high-risk professions (Leiter and Maslach, 2016).

A relevant aspect is that many of the studies reviewed describe a cumulative pattern of stress. Officers are not usually affected by a single traumatic event, but rather by the sum of small daily stresses: long shifts, constant conflict management, repeated exposure to human suffering, and the pressure inherent in making quick decisions. This accumulation contributes to high levels of emotional fatigue and professional burnout, especially when adequate support structures are lacking (Violanti et al., 2017; Garbarino et al., 2013). Hence, prevention programmes must consider not only immediate coping after critical incidents, but also the impact of everyday working conditions.

Similar patterns have been reported in other public service sectors. Recent evidence from primary care professionals indicates that exposure to workplace aggression is strongly associated with post-traumatic stress symptomatology and burnout (Gascon-Santos et al., 2024), suggesting that aggression-related stress represents a shared challenge across frontline professions.

Resilience appears to be a promising line of intervention; however, evidence from both cross-sectional and longitudinal studies reviewed suggests that individual resilience alone is insufficient to prevent chronic stress when organisational stressors persist. Studies examining perceived organisational support, leadership style and work climate consistently report that resilient officers may still experience emotional exhaustion and burnout in contexts characterised by high demands, low support or insensitive leadership (e.g., Shane, 2010; Papazoglou and Andersen, 2014; Violanti et al., 2017).

In this regard, organisational support is consolidated as one of the most robust predictors of police well-being. The perception of being supported by the institution—especially by direct superiors— cushions the impact of operational stress and significantly reduces the risk of burnout (Ménard and Arter, 2014). The role of middle managers is particularly relevant, as they act as a bridge between the strategic requirements of the institution and the operational reality of the officer. Their ability to recognise effort, encourage communication and create safe environments largely determines how the professional experience is lived.

Another important finding is the growing relevance of emotional literacy in police forces. Although historically this aspect has been neglected in police training, research agrees that emotional regulation improves the ability to de-escalate situations, reduces impulsivity, and protects against emotional exhaustion (Schaufeli et al., 2006). Training programmes that incorporate these skills have demonstrated positive effects on the ability to manage intense emotions and reduce conflicts during operational interventions (Arnetz et al., 2009). These results suggest that emotional literacy should not be considered a complement, but rather a central component of ongoing training.

A sense of purpose emerges as another key element. Many officers experience a strong professional identity linked to public service, justice, and the protection of citizens. When this identity is reinforced through institutional recognition, work becomes more meaningful and the impact of stress decreases (Bakker et al., 2005; Kuo, 2015). However, several authors warn that the gap between the ideal of police work and operational reality can lead to feelings of frustration or cynicism, especially in contexts of high bureaucracy or lack of social support (Skogan and Meares, 2004). This makes it necessary for institutions to foster a culture in which professional purpose is not diluted by administrative demands or external tensions.

Finally, the studies reviewed agree that the psychosocial climate and leadership significantly influence staff mental health. The presence of transformational leadership—based on communication, empathy, and shared vision—is associated with greater cohesion, less stress, and a better perception of work (Aymerich et al., 2021). In contrast, authoritarian or overly hierarchical styles can intensify emotional distress and feelings of lack of control. At this point, it is clear how important it is to train managers not only in tactical matters, but also in emotional management skills and organisational well-being.

While the evidence converges on the protective value of resilience, organisational support, emotional literacy and healthy leadership, translating these principles into practice is not straightforward in many police organisations. Research and institutional reports have long highlighted police mental health as an enduring challenge, yet the development of internal support networks and prevention-oriented policies has often been slow. This delay is partly explained by entrenched organisational cultures characterised by rigid hierarchies, command-and-control management styles, and limited psychological safety for officers to disclose distress. In parallel, stigma—both perceived and internalised—continues to act as a major barrier to help-seeking, reducing the uptake of available services even when they exist. For these reasons, the IPMHM should be understood not only as a technically sound framework, but also as a change-management proposal that requires deliberate implementation strategies. In practice, successful adoption is more likely when interventions are introduced in phased formats (e.g., pilot units), accompanied by visible senior leadership endorsement, confidentiality safeguards, and peer-support structures that normalise early assistance. Embedding these components into training and supervisory routines may increase feasibility and reduce resistance, particularly in contexts where organisational inertia and stigma remain significant.

Taken together, these findings suggest that promoting mental health in police forces requires a comprehensive strategy that combines individual strengthening with group interventions and structural improvements. The convergence of scientific evidence around these five areas provides the basis for the design of the Integrated Police Mental Health Model (IPMHM), which aims to offer a practical framework that can be applied to different police realities.

This review has several limitations that should be acknowledged. First, as a narrative review, it does not aim to provide an exhaustive or systematically weighted synthesis of all available studies, nor does it quantify effect sizes or causal relationships. Second, the included literature is predominantly drawn from European and North American policing contexts, which may limit the transferability of some findings to other institutional or cultural settings. Finally, although the review integrates evidence across multiple thematic domains, it does not evaluate the effectiveness of specific interventions, highlighting the need for future empirical studies to test and refine the proposed model in applied settings.

The results of the review show that police mental health is determined by a network of individual, group and organisational factors. Based on this evidence, the Integrated Model of Police Mental Health (IPMHM) is proposed, a conceptual framework aimed at facilitating the planning of preventive strategies, training programmes and institutional actions designed to strengthen the psychological well-being of police personnel. The model is organised into five interdependent pillars (Table 3): resilience, organisational support, emotional literacy, sense of purpose, and work climate. Each of these can be developed through specific interventions that can be adapted to different police forces.

The review shows that the mental health of police personnel cannot be understood solely from the perspective of risk or the emotional impact of critical situations. Although these elements are relevant, the psychological well-being of officers is built—and sustained—through a balance between individual resources, social support, organisational structure, and professional culture. A significant portion of the studies analysed suggest that when these factors are aligned, police officers cope more effectively with the demands of their work and experience higher levels of satisfaction, emotional stability, and a sense of belonging.

The findings of this review reinforce the need to move beyond individualised approaches to police mental health and towards integrated, prevention-oriented strategies. Leadership, organisational support and emotional competencies emerge not as peripheral elements, but as central determinants of well-being and sustainable performance in policing contexts.

From a practical perspective, the IPMHM offers a structured framework to guide training, leadership development and organisational policies aimed at strengthening psychological well-being. Its value lies in integrating evidence-based protective factors into a coherent model that can be adapted to different police forces and institutional realities.

Future research should focus on empirically evaluating the implementation of this model, examining its feasibility, acceptability and impact over time. Such efforts would contribute not only to improving occupational health among police officers, but also to enhancing the quality and sustainability of policing services.

Finally, the feasibility of implementing integrated wellbeing frameworks depends on organisational readiness; therefore, cultural change, leadership commitment and stigma reduction should be considered core enabling conditions for the IPMHM.