There is clear evidence that climate change has direct and indirect effects on the health of populations across the world, being a great challenge of the 21st century (Villalobos-Prats et al., 2023). Consequently, addressing its impacts requires a multidisciplinary approach, where environmental psychology and the study of pro-environmental behaviors play a key role (López-Cabanas et al., 2019). The impact on human health encompasses not only physical health (Costello et al., 2023) but also mental health (Hogg et al., 2024; Hwong et al., 2022; Nori-Sarma and Galea, 2024). Results from the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, indicate that climate change is a serious threat to children and adolescent mental health (Clemens et al., 2020). In this last field, both the awareness of the consequences related to climate change and the direct effect of climate events (e.g., subtle temperature changes) can lead to emotional responses, such as anxiety, negative mood and irritability (Hwong et al., 2022; Ramadan et al., 2023). Scientific data on the associations between climate change and mental health is growing, focusing mainly on anxiety (Heeren and Asmundson, 2023). Climate anxiety has been referred among people worldwide (Clayton et al., 2023; Ogunbode et al., 2022). Although the concept of negative emotion related to environmental loss began to be talked about almost two decades ago (Kevorkian, 2004), the terms of eco-anxiety and climate anxiety have been introduced more recently. Clayton defined eco-anxiety as a chronic fear of environmental doom (Clayton et al., 2017) and climate anxiety as the experience of intense anxiety associated with perceptions about climate change, regardless of personal experiences (Clayton, 2020). The level of severity of the climate anxiety can be related to individual and sociodemographic risk factors but also is related to positive or negative psychological effects. Data gathered in 32 countries showed climate anxiety was negatively associated with mental wellbeing (Gago et al., 2024; Ogunbode et al., 2022).

In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the young population. Data have revealed that children and adolescents may be more likely to fear and worry about climate change than other age groups affecting their health and well-being (Proulx et al., 2024). Youth has also been found to be a particularly vulnerable group as are those with the highest rate of negative emotional responses associated with climate change (Boluda-Verdú et al., 2022; Cianconi et al., 2023; Clayton et al., 2023; Patrick et al., 2022; Proulx et al., 2024). For instance, young Canadians have reported that climate change affects their mental health by 78% (Galway and Field, 2023) and participants from another 10 countries reported to be very or extremely worried and were at least moderately worried about climate change (Australia, Brazil, Finland, France, India, Nigeria, Philippines, Portugal, the United Kingdom, and the United States) (Hickman et al., 2021). Recently, Teo et al. (2023) reported that one in four Australians aged 15 to 19 felt very or extremely concerned about climate change. Climate anxiety has also found to contribute to young people having negative perspectives for the future (Boluda-Verdú et al., 2022; Hickman et al., 2021; Teo et al., 2023) and increases the risk of emotional problems (Ramadan et al., 2023). Using longitudinal studies, literature have found that adolescents aged 10–11 who had high levels of worry about climate change over time presented with high rates of depressive symptoms when assessed at their late adolescence (Sciberras and Fernando, 2021). Understanding adolescents’ concerns about climate change is crucial, as they can become active social agents in mitigating the problem by developing competencies that promote action both in the present and in the future, while also learning psychological coping strategies that help them face perceived climate change threats and, consequently, reduce the risk of developing psychopathology (Daeninck et al., 2023; Ojala, 2022).

However, there is little evidence on the relationship between climate-related negative emotions and mental health in adolescence in Spanish-speaking adolescents as a result of lacking well-validated climate anxiety measures. For the first time, this paper is aimed at examining the psychometric properties of the Climate Change Anxiety Scale (CAS) developed by Clayton and Karazsia in 2020 in a large population of Spanish-speaking adolescents. The CAS is a 13-items scale, with two subscales named as Cognitive-emotional impairment and Functional impairment. In adults, data have partially supported the initial factorial structure. On the one hand, some authors have replicated the two-factor structure in France (Mouguiama-Daouda et al., 2022), Korea (Jang et al., 2023), Slovenia (Plohl et al., 2023), Arab countries (Fekih-Romdhane et al., 2024) and also in the multi-country study performed by Tam et al. (2023) in India, China, Japan and USA. These last authors demonstrated that this measure exhibited configural and metric invariance in the four countries and they suggested that the CAS can be used to assess climate change anxiety across countries. However, other studies have found different factorial solutions in samples from various countries. In Australia, Hogg et al. (2023) concluded that while the CAS is generally a valid measure, its factorial structure shows some ambiguity. In Italy, Innocenti et al. (2021) supported the two-factor model but hypothesized a possible unifactorial structure—an approach that was also observed in the Polish study, where a single-factor solution was recommended (Larionow et al., 2022). Similarly, the German study (Wullenkord et al., 2021) failed to replicate the original structure of cognitive-emotional and functional impairment. In the United States, Cruz and High (2022) also noted some ambiguity in the data, suggesting that a unifactorial structure might be more appropriate, although they still regarded the CAS as a generally valid instrument. In other cultural contexts, model modifications have been proposed to improve fit. For instance, in Indonesia, Jaro’ah and Saffana (2023) retained the two-factor structure after implementing adjustments that led to a reasonable model fit. Likewise, in the Philippines, Simon et al. (2022) used the two-factor structure but introduced correlations between four error terms to improve model fit.

Evidence regarding the measurement invariance of the scale across demographic groups has been mixed. Fekih-Romdhane et al. (2024) demonstrated configural, metric, and scalar invariance across gender, suggesting that the scale functions equivalently for males and females. In contrast, Hogg et al. (2023) found configural invariance across gender but did not confirm metric or scalar invariance, indicating potential differences in how the construct is interpreted or responded to by different gender groups. However, Larionow et al. (2022) reported full measurement invariance—configural, metric, and scalar—across gender, age, and educational level, supporting the generalizability of the scale across these demographic categories. Given these inconsistencies, further research is recommended to expand the evidence on measurement invariance across diverse population groups.

With the above-mentioned data, this study aimed to examine the psychometric properties of the Climate Anxiety Scale (CAS) in Spanish-speaking adolescents presenting evidence on the factorial structure, reliability and validity. Furthermore, connections of the climate anxiety with psychological variables were explored using network analysis. Due to the limited data of climate anxiety in Spanish-speaking adolescents, validating this well-known tool to assess climate change anxiety could assist researchers and clinicians to collect data and provide to adolescents with coping strategies to enhance emotional well-being and prevent emotional problems, particularly in those at risk.

This is the first study to examine the psychometric properties of the Climate Anxiety Scale, potential correlates and the impact of climate anxiety in Spanish-speaking adolescent population. Data supported the 2-factor model proposed by the original authors, consistent with other studies with adult population who also found difficulties replicating a 2-factor model (Fekih-Romdhane et al., 2024; Jang et al., 2023; Jaro’ah and Suffana, 2023; Mouguiama-Daouda et al., 2022; Plohl et al., 2023; Simon et al., 2022; Tam et al., 2023). The present study has also proved CAS to be configural, metric and scalar invariant across gender, age and SES. Compared with literature with adults, Fekih-Romdhane et al. (2024) have reported the configural, metric and scalar invariance of the scale across gender, whereas Larionow et al. (2022) found it not gender but age as well. However, Hogg et al. (2023) demonstrated the metric and scalar invariance across age but only configural invariance was demonstrated across gender. In a study with adult population across four countries, Tam et al. (2023) tested the measurement invariance of the scale and concluded that the configural and metric invariance models were acceptable, but the scalar invariance model was rejected. In our study, invariance across age, gender and SES implies that the same latent variable structure retains between female and male adolescents, different age period and SES. Further studies with adolescent population are encouraged to replicate data in other countries to demonstrate the configural, metric and scalar invariance of CAS across age and SES.

The results of this study show good internal consistency of the Climate Anxiety Scale (CAS) in Spanish-speaking adolescents. The total score yielded an α = 0.88, in line with the ranges reported in previous, ranging from α = 0.84 (Jang et al., 2023) to α = 0.96 (Fekih-Romdhane et al., 2024). The cognitive-emotional impairment subscale showed an α = 0.84, placing it between the values found by Innocenti et al. (2021; α = 0.78) and Fekih-Romdhane et al. (2024; α = 0.91). Meanwhile, the functional impairment subscale yielded an α = 0.80, also within the range observed in the literature (α = 0.77 in Innocenti et al., 2021; α = 0.93 in Fekih-Romdhane et al., 2024).

Further, CAS was positively correlated to a higher risk of developing emotional problems (either self-reported by adolescents or reported by parent), with small to medium effect sizes. Similarly, the CAS showed statistically significant positive correlations between CAS and the current presence of mood and anxiety symptomatology measured by RCADS-30, with a medium effect size. These correlations were particularly larger in the functional impairment subscale, except for the separation anxiety subscale. This may suggest that the presence of functional impairment, caused by the perception of the consequences of climate change, could be associated with increased emotional symptomatology. Depression correlated with the CAS (overall score and subscales) but only small effect size was found. These data are aligned with findings reported by authors such as Wullenkord et al. (2021) and Innocenti et al. (2021) who reported CAS overall score was related to anxiety and depressiveness and Fekih-Romdhane et al. (2024) who found higher CAS scores (particularly, in the functional impairment subscale) were significantly associated with higher depression and anxiety symptomatology, with medium effect sizes. However, Larionow et al. (2022) and Mouguiama-Daouda et al. (2022) reported CAS was positively correlated with depressive symptoms but not with anxiety. This suggests the cognitive-emotional impairment subscale may not reflect the full spectrum of cognitive aspects of climate anxiety, as suggested by some authors (Wullenkord et al., 2021), or CAS may be measuring the emotional and cognitive response (not unequivocally maladaptive) related to climate change, as proposed by Larionow et al. (2022). The significant associations between the CAS and higher levels of symptoms of depression and anxiety in adolescents do not necessarily imply that climate anxiety should be understood as a manifestation of general depression or anxiety, or vice versa. The findings suggest that climate anxiety may play a specific and distinct role in adolescents’ emotional functioning, acting as a unique psychological phenomenon that can impact well-being in ways that differ from more common emotional disorders. This distinctive nature is especially evident in the functional impairment subscale of the CAS, which assesses how concerns about climate change interfere with concrete aspects of daily life, such as social functioning. Therefore, its association with depressive or anxious symptoms may stem from this specific functional impact.

In this regard, the results of the network analysis offer valuable insights into the emotional dynamics associated with climate anxiety. The low centrality and connectivity of the CAS overall score and subscales within the system suggest that they operate relatively independently, exerting limited influence on other emotional symptoms and emotion dysregulation. This peripheral position may indicate that, although climate anxiety is a significant phenomenon, its effects on the broader emotional system are less integrative or mediatory compared to other central emotional symptoms. In contrast, the prominence of generalized anxiety and major depression as central nodes highlight their fundamental role in the emotional structure, acting as key points of connection among symptoms. These findings emphasize the need to prioritize the management of generalized anxiety and depression in addressing complex emotional networks, and they suggest that climate anxiety may require targeted interventions less dependent on general emotion regulation dynamics. A study by Clayton and Karazsia (2020) examining climate anxiety through a validated scale highlights that its cognitive and functional dimensions are distinct and not strongly correlated with general depression or anxiety but do contribute to emotional responses to climate change (Clayton and Karazsia, 2020). Similarly, research validating the CAS in a German sample found weak associations between climate anxiety and other psychological factors like depression and generalized anxiety, suggesting also that climate anxiety functions as a unique emotional construct (Wullenkord et al., 2021). These findings align with the current analysis, which places the cognitive and functional dimensions as well as the total score of CAS in a peripheral network role, showing weak connectivity with broader emotional systems and symptoms. Together, these studies reinforce the idea that climate anxiety operates as a relatively independent construct within psychological networks, distinct from generalized anxiety and depression, and encompasses a larger gamut of emotional experiences than anxiety (e.g., Contreras et al., 2024; Dodds, 2021; Kurth and Pihkala, 2022). Our findings support the notion that climate anxiety, rather than representing a conventional psychopathological symptom, may reflect a complex emotional and existential response to the ecological crisis. This aligns with Kurth and Pihkala’s (2022) conceptualization of eco-anxiety as a form of legitimate moral distress, which calls for educational and community-based approaches rather than pathologizing clinical frameworks.

Second, climate anxiety was significantly and negatively related to resilience and quality of life of adolescents, in line with Clayton and Karazsia’s (2020) original study. Additional research has also established that the relations of climate anxiety with psychological resilience were negative and weak (Plohl et al., 2023). Third, climate anxiety was positively related to difficulties in emotion regulation in adolescents, consistent with studies with children and young people (Hickman et al., 2021) and adults (Orrù et al., 2024). With this in mind, mental health researchers may develop coping strategies by building resilience strategies and emotion regulation skills (Jimenez-Vazquez et al., 2024; Vivas-Fernandez et al., 2024). Further research is warranted.

Although research suggest the presence of a climate change generation gap whereby younger people care more about climate change than older people (Milfont et al., 2021), on average, adolescents reported low climate anxiety levels in this study (M = 1.25; overall score was 16.19) with significant floor effects. Moreover, adolescents in general appear to experience more cognitive-emotional impairment associated with climate change than functional impairment, perhaps because, as suggested by Chan et al. (2024), cognitive-emotional impairment may occur first, followed by functional deterioration. As this is the first study with a sample exclusively of adolescents, we could not assess whether Spanish-speaking adolescents are less or more anxious about climate change than adolescents in another cultures and languages using the CAS. However, compared to studies with participants with a mean age in the young adulthood range, Plohl et al. (2023) reported that the mean of the total CAS score was 1.65 for Slovenian young adults, Larionow et al. (2022) found an overall score of 20.34 in Poland, Fekih-Romdhane et al. (2024) revealed an overall score of 25.48 in Lebanon young adults, and up to an overall score of 28.97 in Indonesian young adults (Jaro’ah and Saffana, 2023). It is uncertain how experiences with climate change in other countries may have affected climate anxiety rates. Likewise, additional studies should further investigate whether the reformulation of the items from the original scale is a crucial aspect in improving its psychometric properties for adolescents.

In addition, self-identified females reported more climate anxiety, similar to research in adults (Boluda-Verdú et al., 2022; Clayton et al., 2023; Clayton and Karazsia, 2020; Heeren et al., 2022; Hogg et al., 2023; Larionow et al., 2022; Searle and Gow, 2010; Teo et al., 2023; Wullenkord et al., 2021). Regarding the female gender, it has also been associated with other aspects related to environmental concern, such as greater emotional affinity and lower apathy (Amérigo et al., 2012; Zelezny et al., 2000), suggesting the existence of a gender-related issue. Further, younger adolescents (12–14 years old) evidenced higher climate anxiety than older adolescents between 15 and 18 years old. This finding is aligned with data collected from a large survey which included 18,800 participants aged 15–19 years in Australia (Teo et al., 2023). Finally, in our study with adolescent population, low SES seem to be related to climate anxiety, in line with Clayton et al. (2017) who suggested that lower-income communities are more likely to have outdated infrastructure, which places these communities at greater risk for the impacts of climate change. However, our data differs from Wullenkord et al. (2021) who found climate anxiety was unrelated to income. Due to scarcity of data, it is crucial further research is conducted.

There is growing evidence of the direct effects of climate change and the impact of negative emotions, such as climate anxiety, on mental health, particularly among the most vulnerable populations. In this context, interest in research and the development of reliable and valid tools to measure climate anxiety has increased. Notably, the Climate Anxiety Scale, developed less than 5 years ago, has been studied across various population groups but limited to adults. Thus, this is the first study investigating the psychometric properties of the CAS, and potential correlates of climate anxiety in a well-powered Spanish-speaking adolescent population. Our data are consistent with most studies and report that the scale is reliable and valid for use in clinical or research practice within the Spanish-speaking adolescent population. Data reveal the strong impact of climate anxiety in the emotional well-being, resilience, emotion regulation, and quality of life in adolescents. Educating the youth in their formative years on the detrimental consequences of climate change in the school curriculum to raise awareness may be beneficial. An important future direction for improving the CAS for use with adolescents is conducting qualitative research with young people from a culturally informed perspective in order to increase our understanding of adolescents’ needs and what they find most distressing about climate change.

The psychology of climate change is essential for understanding how emotions associated with this global crisis affect our mental health. Tools such as the Climate Anxiety Scale may allow researchers and clinicians for the evaluation and deeper understanding of emotional impacts, facilitating the integration of these dimensions into the design of public policies and the development of effective and sensitive interventions that address both the physical and psychological effects of climate change.