Social capital refers to the networks, norms, and trust facilitating cooperation and mutual benefit within society (Bhandari and Yasunobu, 2009; Demir, 2021; Portes, 1998; Putnam, 2000). In educational contexts, social capital profoundly shapes academic outcomes by providing essential resources, emotional support, and guidance through interpersonal networks, significantly influencing students' motivation, academic self-efficacy, and life satisfaction (Eccles and Roeser, 2015; Epstein, 2019; Roksa and Kinsley, 2019). These two constructs, academic self-efficacy and life satisfaction, were selected as key dependent variables in this study because they represent critical dimensions of students' academic and overall wellbeing, both of which are theorized to be significantly influenced by social capital and network dynamics.

Social capital manifests in three distinct forms, each uniquely supporting academic achievement and wellbeing. Bonding capital, derived from close relationships within homogeneous groups like family and friends (Ahn, 2012; Murray et al., 2020), offers critical emotional and academic support for navigating educational challenges. It facilitates access to resources and mentorship (Kutash et al., 2013), fosters belonging that enhances academic motivation (Uslu and Gizir, 2017), and strengthens self-efficacy—the belief in one's ability to succeed academically (Bandura, 1997). This emotional backing from bonding capital directly bolsters self-efficacy by reinforcing confidence in academic capabilities, a key driver of persistence and performance (Pajares, 1996; Zimmerman, 2000). Furthermore, the sense of security and support provided by strong bonding ties contributes to higher levels of life satisfaction (Baumeister and Leary, 1995). In contrast, bridging capital connects individuals across diverse groups (Claridge, 2018; Kyne and Aldrich, 2020), providing access to novel information, diverse perspectives, and broader opportunities. Such connections stimulate intellectual growth, improve critical thinking, and develop social skills through collaborative interactions (Dufur et al., 2013; Jensen and Jetten, 2015). Bridging capital's exposure to varied resources and role models can enhance self-efficacy by offering new strategies for success, while also boosting life satisfaction through a sense of connection across social boundaries and increased opportunities (Lin et al., 2001). Linking capital ties students to institutions and authority figures (Dika and Singh, 2002; Dufur et al., 2013), granting access to institutional support such as scholarships and counseling, essential for disadvantaged students overcoming systemic barriers (Mishra, 2020; Woolcock, 1998). This institutional support from linking capital can improve self-efficacy by providing tangible resources for academic achievement and elevate life satisfaction by reducing stress from educational inequities and enhancing future prospects.

These forms of social capital underpin social networks that significantly influence academic support and motivation. Peer networks, as primary sources of bonding capital, create collaborative learning environments that enhance academic self-efficacy and engagement by encouraging mutual responsibility (Topping, 2005; Van der Zanden et al., 2018). Such peer interactions surpass mere emotional support, facilitating structured opportunities for mutual accountability and collective achievement (Wang et al., 2018). Peer collaboration provides mastery experiences and vicarious learning—key sources of self-efficacy (Bandura, 1997)—while fostering belonging that supports life satisfaction by fulfilling needs for relatedness and companionship (Ryan and Deci, 2000). Similarly, family networks boost motivation by reinforcing long-term educational aspirations. Families establish stable, supportive environments, promoting intrinsic motivation and sustained academic effort through consistent expectations and encouragement (Fan and Chen, 2001; Hill, 2015; Ma et al., 2016; Riley, 2016). Unlike immediate peer-driven dynamics, family support emphasizes perseverance toward future-oriented goals. This consistent support from family directly enhances self-efficacy by instilling confidence and contributes to life satisfaction by providing a secure and predictable environment. Educators, representing linking capital, substantially contribute to student motivation through constructive feedback and mentorship. Teachers who emphasize effort over innate ability encourage students to view challenges as growth opportunities, thus promoting self-efficacy and improvement (Dweck, 2006; Ricard and Pelletier, 2016; Yeager and Dweck, 2020). Educator-led mentorship programs further clarify the long-term benefits of persistence, aligning current academic efforts with future career aspirations (Crisp and Cruz, 2009; Hernandez et al., 2017). Teacher feedback serves as verbal persuasion, a critical self-efficacy source (Bandura, 1997), while mentorship enhances life satisfaction by linking academic effort to personal purpose and future success.

Across these networks, fostering a sense of belonging is crucial for student wellbeing and engagement. Inclusive, supportive academic environments reduce isolation, sustaining motivation and participation (Booker, 2007; Juvonen et al., 2019; Van Herpen et al., 2020). This sense of belonging, facilitated by strong social connections, directly contributes to higher life satisfaction by fulfilling the fundamental human need for relatedness (Baumeister and Leary, 1995). Emotional support, alongside instructional feedback, builds resilience against academic challenges (Korpershoek et al., 2020), further bolstering self-efficacy. In higher education, mentorship, community ties, and digital platforms—such as online groups—support underrepresented students by enhancing collaboration and belonging, essential for motivation in complex settings (Nández and Borrego, 2013; Tiryakioglu and Erzurum, 2011; Tzur et al., 2023).

Social capital positively impacts academic outcomes (Jensen and Jetten, 2015). Strong family and community networks boost performance through shared expectations (Coleman, 1988), while home- and school-based social capital enhance aspirations and achievement (Dika and Singh, 2002; Huang, 2009; Parcel et al., 2010). Human and social capital interactions further improve competencies (Daly et al., 2021). Teacher networks, like professional learning communities, create supportive environments, improving outcomes (Demir, 2021; Jensen and Jetten, 2015; Mishra, 2020). However, excessive bonding capital can limit opportunities and reinforce inequalities (Lin, 1999; Portes, 1998), and sustaining social capital is challenging in resource-scarce areas (Mishra, 2020; Moshtari and Vanpoucke, 2021).

In summary, social capital shapes academic success through networks providing support and resources. Inclusive networks, leveraging peer, family, and teacher dynamics, improve outcomes, particularly for disadvantaged students, by enhancing self-efficacy and life satisfaction (Baumeister and Leary, 1995; Ryan and Deci, 2000). Therefore, understanding the interplay between social capital, social networks, academic self-efficacy, and life satisfaction is crucial for comprehending the holistic wellbeing and academic trajectories of students, especially in the context of rural Chinese high schools.

Social networks within academic settings exert dual influences on students, providing both essential support and potential pressure that shape their academic outcomes and overall wellbeing, including life satisfaction—the global evaluation of one's quality of life (Diener et al., 1985; Nández and Borrego, 2013; Samad et al., 2019). These networks can foster collaboration, emotional support, and motivation, but may also introduce stress, competition, and distractions detrimental to academic focus (Fox and Moreland, 2015). Thus, a balanced understanding of social connections' advantages and disadvantages is necessary to elucidate their impact on life satisfaction and self-efficacy.

Supportive social networks facilitate academic assistance and peer collaboration, creating shared learning experiences that promote accountability, engagement, and motivation (Kilday and Ryan, 2022; Wang and Eccles, 2013). Peer relationships often extend beyond academics, offering emotional support that buffers against stress and enhances students' capacity to manage school pressures (Lee et al., 2023). Strong peer ties foster a sense of belonging, positively correlating with academic engagement and success (Wang et al., 2018). Information shared among peers also shapes students' academic self-concept and motivation, further influencing performance (Dudovitz et al., 2017; Rizzuto et al., 2009). These peer dynamics enhance self-efficacy through collaborative mastery experiences and boost life satisfaction by meeting needs for relatedness and support, per self-determination theory (Ryan and Deci, 2000).

However, social networks can also create pressure, particularly in competitive academic environments. According to Festinger's (1954) social comparison theory, evaluating oneself against others' achievements—often idealized on social media—can heighten stress, envy, lower self-esteem, and reduce motivation Feinstein et al., 2013; Vogel et al., 2015. Excessive social media engagement may distract from academic tasks, contributing to cognitive overload and academic fatigue (Junco, 2015). Additionally, pressure to maintain an idealized online presence and concerns about privacy can further detract from academic focus (Bright et al., 2015). Peer relationships may foster unhealthy competition; while peer accountability can motivate students, competition within networks may also generate significant stress. Frequent social media use during study periods has been linked to poorer academic outcomes, undermining peer support's benefits in high-pressure settings (Felisoni and Godoi, 2018; Giunchiglia et al., 2018). Such competitive pressures can erode self-efficacy by fostering doubt and diminish life satisfaction through increased anxiety and isolation.

Distinct from peer and educator networks, family support significantly influences students' academic and emotional wellbeing (Harris and Robinson, 2016; Roksa and Kinsley, 2019). Family relationships provide unconditional emotional backing and long-term guidance, critical to fostering academic resilience and success. Family support notably enhances academic self-efficacy, as parents create environments that instill confidence in students' abilities and encourage perseverance despite immediate setbacks (Bandura, 1994; Fan and Williams, 2010; Llorca et al., 2017; Schunk and Zimmerman, 2007; Yap and Baharudin, 2016). Moreover, stable and supportive family environments promote positive self-image and emotional stability, key components of life satisfaction. Family support acts as a buffer, reinforcing self-efficacy through consistent encouragement and enhancing life satisfaction by providing a secure emotional base.

Broader family networks, including siblings and extended relatives, contribute emotional and academic resources. Siblings provide peer-like support, while extended family offer guidance complementing formal education (Galindo and Sheldon, 2012; Gueldner et al., 2020). These networks enhance academic performance and life satisfaction, mitigating socio-economic disadvantages (Baquedano-López et al., 2013; Becker and Luthar, 2002). Consistent family involvement improves GPA over time, bridging achievement gaps, and fostering long-term aspirations, especially for disadvantaged students (Cheng et al., 2012; Ishimaru et al., 2016).

Family support is particularly significant for ethnic minority students in STEM, emphasizing educational value and aiding complex academic paths (Hardy et al., 2018; Niehaus and Adelson, 2014). It also prevents dropout and sustains engagement by promoting accountability and vision (Gil et al., 2021; Kim, 2014). Synergy between family and school environments further boosts self-efficacy and academic engagement, linking family background to academic outcomes (Stubbs and Maynard, 2017; Weiser and Riggio, 2010).

In summary, social networks in academia offer support but also pose pressures, requiring balance to maximize benefits. Family support, providing emotional stability and guidance, significantly enhances resilience, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction, making these constructs key outcomes for studying network effects.

Educational inequities disproportionately affect marginalized students, significantly hindering academic achievement and closely relating to disparities in social capital (Gorski, 2017; Shifrer et al., 2013). Social capital, defined as access to networks, resources, and supportive relationships, either mitigates or exacerbates these inequities. Students with strong social capital have greater educational opportunities, while those lacking it—often from lower socio-economic backgrounds—face substantial barriers (Coleman, 1988). Unequal resource distribution, intensified by socio-economic and geographical factors, deepens these inequities, negatively impacting students' academic self-efficacy and life satisfaction (Talbert-Johnson, 2004). Limited social capital undermines self-efficacy by restricting access to supportive networks and diminishes life satisfaction by increasing stress and isolation.

Racial disparities in resource access and social capital further compound educational inequities (Roscigno and Ainsworth-Darnell, 1999). Minority students frequently lack mentors and role models essential to fostering academic self-efficacy and success (Kumar, 2023). Limited social experiences and inadequate institutional support widen socio-economic achievement gaps (Thiem and Dasgupta, 2022). Such disparities are especially pronounced in rural communities, where underdeveloped educational infrastructure leads to fragmented social capital and lower postsecondary attainment (Mishra et al., 2023; Roscigno et al., 2006). Addressing these inequities requires strengthening social capital through mentorship, community engagement, and peer support. In rural contexts like China, where this study is situated, these gaps directly affect self-efficacy and life satisfaction, making them critical lenses for analysis.

Deep-seated socio-economic inequalities within educational systems further perpetuate disparities, benefiting affluent students with established networks while leaving disadvantaged students behind (Tranter, 2012). Targeted initiatives, including school-community partnerships, mentorship, and parental involvement programs, are crucial for enhancing disadvantaged students' social capital, thus improving their academic performance, belonging, self-efficacy, and motivation (Bernardi and Ballarino, 2016).

Educational inequities have significant psychological impacts, as marginalized students face increased stress and reduced belonging due to limited social capital (Quintana and Mahgoub, 2016). Interventions like mentorship and peer support can provide emotional backing, while equitable resource distribution ensures access to both material resources and resilience (Jones et al., 2020). Chronic underfunding in schools serving low-income and minority students restricts quality education and social capital development (Cole-Henderson, 2014), perpetuating achievement disparities (Darling-Hammond, 2013). Equitable funding policies, including investments in extracurriculars and teacher training, are essential for equal opportunities (Owings and Kaplan, 2024).

Opportunity gaps in mathematics and science further deepen inequities, with minority students often lacking advanced coursework and qualified teachers, hindering development and network-building (Gorski, 2017). Reforms should expand access, improve training, and foster mentorship, but policies like school choice must be carefully designed to avoid increasing segregation (Darling-Hammond, 2015). Addressing inequities requires tackling socio-economic, geographical, and psychological factors linked to social capital disparities. Policies should balance equitable resources with mentorship and peer support to promote equity, enabling success for all students. This underscores self-efficacy and life satisfaction as key outcomes reflecting the toll of these disparities.

This study investigates academic self-efficacy and life satisfaction as key indicators of how social networks, embedded within the broader framework of social capital, influence the academic success and overall wellbeing of rural Chinese high school students. These constructs were selected as dependent variables because they directly reflect the dual impact of social capital: its role in facilitating academic achievement through enhanced confidence and motivation (self-efficacy) and its contribution to emotional wellbeing and overall quality of life (life satisfaction). Academic self-efficacy, defined as students' belief in their ability to succeed in specific academic tasks such as studying for exams or completing assignments (Bandura, 1997), is critical because it drives motivation, effort, and persistence, leading to better grades, test scores, and engagement in learning (Honicke and Broadbent, 2016; Multon et al., 1991; Pajares, 1996; Richardson et al., 2012; Zimmerman, 2000). Students with high self-efficacy set challenging goals and persevere through difficulties, making it a vital measure for understanding academic outcomes in rural settings where resources may be limited. Life satisfaction, reflecting students' overall evaluation of their quality of life based on their experiences and relationships (Diener et al., 1985), captures emotional health, which is crucial during adolescence—a period of significant developmental changes (Erikson, 1968; Proctor et al., 2009). High life satisfaction is linked to better mental health, stronger social relationships, and improved academic adjustment, making it essential for assessing wellbeing in rural Chinese high schools where socio-cultural challenges may impact students' lives (Huebner et al., 2000; Seligman, 2002).

Social networks play a significant role in shaping academic self-efficacy. Supportive peers, family, and educators offer feedback, collaborative learning opportunities, and encouragement that build students' confidence in their academic abilities (Bandura, 1997; Epstein, 2019). For example, peer study groups provide mastery experiences, observing successful peers offers vicarious learning, and positive feedback from teachers serves as verbal persuasion—all key sources of self-efficacy (Eccles and Roeser, 2015). Similarly, social networks influence life satisfaction by meeting fundamental needs for connection and support. Positive relationships reduce loneliness, foster a sense of purpose, and enhance wellbeing, while negative interactions, such as competitive pressures amplified by social comparisons, can lower satisfaction (Vogel et al., 2015). In rural China, where institutional resources may be scarce, family, and peer networks are particularly critical for both academic confidence and emotional health.

We analyzed gender differences in academic self-efficacy and life satisfaction based on research suggesting potential variations (Ma et al., 2016; Llorca et al., 2017) and social role theory (Eagly and Wood, 2016), considering the influence of traditional gender roles in rural China. Grade-level differences were explored using adolescent development theory (Erikson, 1968) and social network research (Wang et al., 2018), anticipating network evolution to impact self-efficacy and life satisfaction.

Based on the literature, this study tests the following hypotheses:

Additionally, we explored the role of other demographic variables, such as age, in relation to self-efficacy and life satisfaction, without specific hypotheses due to limited prior research in this context. These hypotheses align with the study's goal of examining how social networks, as social capital, influence rural students' academic and emotional lives, aiming to understand how network structures and relational support help or hinder students in rural Chinese high schools to inform educational improvements and wellbeing in these underserved areas.

This study employed a two-phase mixed-methods design to examine rural high school students in mainland China. Participants were recruited using purposive sampling from two rural high schools located in Sichuan Province (Southwest China) and Heilongjiang Province (Northeast China). These provinces were selected to capture variation in rural contexts, such as economic activities and cultural influences, while focusing on high school students. School principals and teachers assisted with participant recruitment, ensuring representation from all grade levels (10–12).

A total of 454 students participated in the quantitative phase (39% male, n = 177; 61% female, n = 277; average age 17.2 years, SD = 0.8). The gender imbalance reflected the higher number of female students in the sampled schools and potentially greater female participation willingness. This was addressed by including gender as a control variable in analyses. Ethical guidelines were followed, with informed consent obtained from all participants and parental consent for those under 18. Data was collected anonymously.

Ethical guidelines were strictly followed throughout the study. Informed consent was obtained from school principals, teachers, and each student participant. Parental consent was secured for students under 18. Students received an information sheet explaining the study's purpose, procedures, and their right to withdraw at any time. All questionnaires were completed anonymously, and identifying information was removed during data analysis. The study protocol received approval from the Institutional Review Board at Daejin University.

For the qualitative phase, a purposive sub-sample of 28 students was selected from the initial SNA sample to ensure diversity in network characteristics and academic self-efficacy scores, aiming to explore the relationship between social capital and academic self-efficacy. Selection criteria included varying levels of academic self-efficacy (low: < 45, medium: 45–60, high: >60), network size (small: 0–2 friends, medium: 3–5 friends, large: ≥6 friends), and network density (low: < 0.2, medium: 0.2–0.4, high: >0.4). Participants were chosen to represent a mix of these categories, accounting for grade level and aiming to reflect the quantitative sample's gender distribution (11 males, 39%; 17 females, 61%; average age 17.3 years, SD = 0.7). This slightly deviated from the intended gender balance to prioritize diversity across key variables, as detailed in Table 1. The same ethical procedures were followed, with written informed consent obtained prior to semi-structured interviews conducted in private school settings and audio-recorded.

This study employed a combination of instruments to collect data on social networks, academic self-efficacy, and life satisfaction among rural high school students in China.

This mixed-methods study employed a two-phase approach, commencing with a quantitative phase using social network analysis (SNA) followed by a qualitative phase involving narrative inquiry. Initial contact was established with school principals from two rural high schools in Sichuan and Heilongjiang provinces, China. Following the acquisition of informed consent from the principals, teachers facilitated participant recruitment. Information sheets detailing the study's purpose, procedures, and participant rights were distributed to students in grades 10–12. Written consent was obtained from students aged 18 or older, and parental consent was secured for those under 18.

During a designated class period, students completed a self-administered questionnaire. Researchers were available to address queries and ensure proper completion. Completed questionnaires were collected anonymously. Data completeness was verified, and friendship nominations were coded using Gephi and UCINET SNA software. Key network metrics—network size (number of unique nominations), density (ratio of actual to possible connections within the ego network), and degree centrality (number of direct ties, computed using UCINET algorithms)—were calculated. Gephi and UCINET were used for visualization and computation, with results cross-verified for reliability. The SNI instrument's reliability was confirmed through a pilot test (Cronbach's alpha > 0.85).

For the qualitative phase, 28 students were purposively selected from the initial SNA sample based on variation in network characteristics (size, density), academic self-efficacy scores, and gender balance to ensure diverse perspectives. These students were individually contacted and invited for semi-structured interviews (45–60 min) held in private school locations, with informed consent obtained prior to scheduling and audio-recording. The interview guide explored students' perceptions of their social networks, friendships, interaction frequency and nature, and the influence of these relationships on academic goals, study habits, and wellbeing.

All interviews were transcribed verbatim by a professional service. Researchers reviewed transcripts for accuracy, removing identifying information. An iterative coding process identified key themes related to social capital, academic self-efficacy, and life satisfaction, with multiple coding rounds ensuring comprehensive theme development (Saldaña, 2016). Data integration occurred during analysis, using SNA metrics and academic self-efficacy scores to group students for deeper qualitative data analysis. This triangulation facilitated cross-validation between quantitative network data and qualitative narratives, enriching the understanding of how network structures and student perceptions influenced academic self-efficacy and life satisfaction (Creswell and Plano Clark, 2017). The integrated analysis provided insight into the dual role of social networks—as sources of support and potential stressors—within the academic lives of students in rural China.

This mixed-methods study employed both quantitative and qualitative approaches for a comprehensive examination of the interplay between social networks, academic self-efficacy, and life satisfaction among rural Chinese high school students. Descriptive statistics summarized the sample's demographic characteristics (age, gender, grade level) and key variables (network size, density, academic self-efficacy, life satisfaction). Social network analysis (SNA) was conducted using UCINET (Borgatti et al., 2002) and Gephi (Bastian et al., 2009) to examine the structural properties of students' social networks, computing metrics such as density, centrality, and ego-network characteristics to identify patterns of social interaction and support. Inferential statistics, including independent samples t-tests and ANOVAs, examined differences in academic self-efficacy and life satisfaction across demographic and network characteristics. Multiple regression analysis in SPSS (Version 27) assessed the predictive power of social network variables on academic self-efficacy and life satisfaction, controlling for demographics. The reliability of the scales was confirmed using Cronbach's alpha, with values exceeding 0.80 indicating high internal consistency.

The qualitative data from semi-structured interviews were analyzed using thematic analysis, following Braun and Clarke's (2006) guidelines. Transcribed interviews were imported into NVivo (version 12) to facilitate coding. An initial coding scheme, based on research questions and literature review, included codes like “peer support,” “academic pressure,” and “family influence.” Open coding allowed for emergent codes (e.g., “shared struggles,” “fear of falling behind”). The coding process was iterative, with multiple researchers independently coding a subset of transcripts to ensure inter-coder reliability, resolving discrepancies through consensus. Constant comparison refined and merged codes into broader themes (e.g., “The Value of Supportive Friendships”). Axial coding explored relationships between themes. Member checking with participants enhanced the trustworthiness of qualitative findings (Lincoln and Guba, 1985).

The quantitative phase of this study involved the analysis of data collected through the Social Network Index (SNI), the Academic Self-Efficacy Scale (ASES), and the Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS) from 454 rural high school students in China. The results provide insights into the social network structures, levels of academic self-efficacy, and life satisfaction among the participants.

The semi-structured interview questions were designed to explore students' perceptions of their friendships, the academic and emotional support they received, and the pressures they faced within their social circles. Specific questions included: “How do your friends help you with schoolwork?” “Do you ever feel pressure from your friends to perform better academically?” and “How do your relationships with family or relatives influence your school life?” These questions aligned with the study's main themes of supportive friendships, competitive pressures, and broader social networks.

The coding process followed a thematic analysis approach (Braun and Clarke, 2006). Initial open coding identified recurring ideas such as “peer encouragement,” “academic comparison,” and “family guidance.” These codes were then refined and grouped into broader themes through axial coding, resulting in three key themes that captured the nuanced ways social networks shaped students' experiences. The themes were further triangulated with SNA data to examine how network characteristics—such as centrality, density, and size—related to students' narratives.

Our quantitative findings revealed a significant positive association between social network centrality and density, and academic self-efficacy among rural Chinese high school students. This directly supports social capital theory, demonstrating higher academic confidence among students with greater embeddedness in strong, interconnected social networks (Dika and Singh, 2002; Putnam, 2000). Specifically, the positive correlation between network centrality, a manifestation of bridging social capital, indicates that access to diverse resources and information bolsters students' belief in their academic capabilities (Lin, 1999). Similarly, the importance of network density, reflecting bonding social capital, suggests that cohesive peer groups provide a supportive environment enhancing self-efficacy (Ahn, 2012). Qualitative data corroborate these findings, with students describing how supportive friendships, indicative of strong bonding capital, facilitated collaborative learning and provided crucial academic and emotional encouragement, as exemplified by a Grade 11 student with high centrality stating the benefit of diverse perspectives accessible through numerous connections. This aligns with Bandura's (1994) social cognitive theory, where self-efficacy is nurtured within supportive social contexts. Furthermore, qualitative insights highlighted the role of family support as linking social capital, connecting students to essential resources and long-term guidance, particularly vital in resource-constrained rural environments (Woolcock, 1998). The potential of bridging social capital, through connections with diverse peers, to enhance self-efficacy by exposing students to varied problem-solving approaches (Kyne and Aldrich, 2020; Lin, 1999) was also supported by student narratives.

A notable finding was that female students reported significantly higher academic self-efficacy than their male counterparts. This result, while diverging from some earlier research, resonates with more recent studies indicating evolving gender dynamics in education (Llorca et al., 2017; Ma et al., 2016). In the Chinese context, this might reflect shifting societal expectations and educational practices that increasingly encourage female academic engagement (Fan and Chen, 2001; Hill, 2015). Our finding aligns with social role theory (Eagly and Wood, 2016), suggesting that in rural China, societal norms may encourage girls to prioritize academic effort and seek social support more readily than boys, potentially fostering higher levels of self-efficacy. The emphasis on diligence and relational interdependence in female socialization within this cultural context (Mishra, 2020; Murray et al., 2020) might also contribute to enhanced academic self-regulation and a greater propensity to engage in collaborative learning and help-seeking behaviors (Topping, 2005; Van der Zanden et al., 2018), further reinforcing their self-efficacy. However, it is important to consider that gender differences in self-efficacy can be domain-specific (Niehaus and Adelson, 2014), and future research could explore these nuances within our study population.

Our qualitative findings corroborated the dual nature of social networks in students' academic lives, acting as both sources of support and pressure, consistent with existing literature (Fox and Moreland, 2015; Nández and Borrego, 2013). Supportive peer relationships fostered learning and provided crucial emotional reinforcement, thereby enhancing both academic self-efficacy and life satisfaction (Eccles and Roeser, 2015; Wang et al., 2018). Students' descriptions of collaborative learning and mutual encouragement underscored the benefits of bonding social capital in promoting belonging and motivation (Ahn, 2012; Murray et al., 2020; Van Herpen et al., 2020). The qualitative data also highlighted the vital role of peer emotional support in mitigating academic stress and fostering resilience (Booker, 2007; Lee et al., 2023). Conversely, the pressure to meet peer achievements and the presence of unspoken competition within social circles frequently led to heightened anxiety and reduced self-confidence (Feinstein et al., 2013; Vogel et al., 2015), aligning with Festinger's (1954) social comparison theory. The influence of network structure was also evident, with students in denser networks often reporting greater competitive pressures (Felisoni and Godoi, 2018; Giunchiglia et al., 2018), suggesting that while density, representing strong bonding capital, can foster support, it can also amplify the negative effects of social comparison within close-knit groups. This was illustrated by a Grade 12 student in a high-density network who admitted, “Everyone in my group knows each other's grades, so there's always this pressure to do better. It pushes me, but sometimes it's too much.”

This study strongly emphasizes the crucial and distinct role of family support in shaping the academic self-efficacy and life satisfaction of rural high school students. Our qualitative findings revealed that family relationships provide essential emotional support and long-term guidance, which differs from the more immediate, task-focused support often offered by peers (Harris and Robinson, 2016; Roksa and Kinsley, 2019). The encouragement received from parents and extended family members was consistently linked to students reporting greater academic confidence and resilience, reinforcing the established importance of family involvement in fostering academic self-efficacy and motivation (Fan and Williams, 2010; Llorca et al., 2017; Mishra, 2020). In the context of resource-limited rural areas, family support often serves as a primary source of emotional and educational stability, effectively compensating for potential institutional deficits, thus acting as a vital form of linking social capital at the familial level (Baquedano-López et al., 2013; Boonk et al., 2018; Woolcock, 1998). Furthermore, family support appeared particularly vital for students who lacked strong in-school networks, playing a crucial role in maintaining their engagement and overall wellbeing, which aligns with research on the contributions of extended family (Galindo and Sheldon, 2012; Gueldner et al., 2020). As a Grade 12 student with a small network noted, “I don't have many friends, but my parents are very involved. They push me to do well, and that's enough for me,” highlighting the significance of family involvement for some students.

The findings of this study highlight the significant role of social capital, manifested through social networks, in shaping educational outcomes within rural Chinese high schools, where socio-economic disparities are prevalent (Gorski, 2017; Shifrer et al., 2013). Our results directly illustrate how disparities in social capital are linked to educational inequities: students with smaller or weaker social networks, often from lower socio-economic backgrounds, exhibited lower levels of academic self-efficacy and life satisfaction. This aligns with the understanding that limited social capital can exacerbate existing educational inequities (Coleman, 1988; Putnam, 2000; Roscigno and Ainsworth-Darnell, 1999). For instance, qualitative data revealed that students with fewer close peer connections expressed isolation and a lack of confidence, supported by quantitative findings indicating positive correlations between network size and centrality with self-efficacy (r = 0.34, p < 0.001) and life satisfaction (r = 0.22, p < 0.001). These findings underscore the critical importance of fostering social capital in rural China, where underdeveloped infrastructure and scarce resources can deepen socio-economic gaps (Mishra et al., 2023; Roscigno et al., 2006). Qualitative interviews further emphasized the compensatory role of family support, a crucial form of linking social capital at the familial level, for students with weak peer networks, as exemplified by a Grade 12 student stating parental encouragement helps them stay on track despite having few friends. This highlights how strong family ties can buffer the negative impacts of limited peer social capital, particularly for disadvantaged students (Baquedano-López et al., 2013; Becker and Luthar, 2002; Woolcock, 1998). Our study's findings strongly support the notion that interventions aimed at enhancing social capital through initiatives like mentorship, community engagement, and parental involvement can be crucial in mitigating educational disadvantages and promoting equity (Bernardi and Ballarino, 2016).