In their cross-country study conducted in Ghana, Nigeria, and Angola, Mazzucato et al. (2015) concluded that migrant mothers often struggle to find stable caregiving arrangements for their left-behind children, resulting in the children frequently changing caregivers. This constant shifting of caregivers contrasts sharply with situations where the father migrates, as caregiving arrangements tend to be more stable when mothers remain in the household. The instability in caregiving has profound negative outcomes for left-behind children, as it hampers their ability to form stable attachment bonds. Stable and secure attachment bonds with caregivers are crucial protective factors against the deterioration of psychological well-being (Van der Kolk, 2014, p. 131). Children who are repeatedly exposed to different caregivers may experience heightened levels of anxiety, insecurity, and confusion, as they struggle to establish a consistent sense of trust and emotional security. These children may develop attachment disorders, exhibit behavioral problems, and face difficulties in forming healthy relationships later in life.

Manyeruke et al. (2021) reached a similar conclusion in their study on children in Zimbabwe, noting that children cope better psychologically when their fathers migrate rather than their mothers. In fact, the study found that these children often have better psychological well-being than those living with both parents. The authors attribute this to the mothers’ ability to maintain family cohesion and provide consistent emotional support, which is critical for the child’s development. In many cultures, mothers are seen as the emotional anchors of the family, and their presence provides a sense of stability and security for children. When the mother is the caregiver, the likelihood of consistent caregiving practices increases, which helps children adapt more effectively to the absence of the father.

In a similar vein, a study by Graham et al. (2012) explored the experiences of left-behind children (LBC) in Indonesia and the Philippines and found that children of migrant mothers in Indonesia are less likely to seek emotional support from adults when they encounter difficult problems. This reluctance to seek support is closely tied to the disruption of support networks that occurs when mothers migrate. In many Southeast Asian cultures, the mother is often the central figure in a child’s emotional support system. Her absence can lead to a significant weakening of these support networks, leaving children without a reliable adult to turn to during times of distress. The absence of the mother, who is typically more attuned to the emotional needs of the child, creates a gap that is not easily filled by other family members or caregivers, particularly in societies where the extended family may not be as involved in day-to-day caregiving.

Different cultures handle caregiving in various ways, and these practices have significant implications for children’s psychological well-being. In African cultures, for example, communal child-rearing is a common practice, where caregiving responsibilities are shared among extended family members or the wider community (Mazzucato et al., 2015; Manyeruke et al., 2021). While this approach can provide a safety net for children when their mothers migrate, it also introduces the risk of instability if caregiving arrangements frequently change. In contrast, in Southeast Asian cultures, caregiving is often more centered on the nuclear family, with the mother playing a pivotal role in the emotional and psychological development of the child (Reyes, 2007) The migration of the mother in such contexts can therefore have more pronounced negative effects, as the child loses their primary source of emotional support.

Moreover, the frequency of caregiver changes can lead to a sense of instability and unpredictability in the child’s life, which is detrimental to their mental health (Freud and Burlingham, 1943; Bowlby, 1951, 1973) Children who are unable to form secure attachments with a consistent caregiver are at greater risk of developing emotional and behavioral issues, such as anxiety, depression, and difficulties with social interactions (Makariev and Shaver, 2010). The lack of a stable caregiver can also impact a child’s ability to develop trust in others, which is fundamental to their overall psychological resilience (Harden, 2004).

In many African countries, child-rearing is not solely the responsibility of biological parents but is instead a collective effort that involves extended family members and the broader community. The well-known African proverb “It takes a village to raise a child” epitomizes this deeply ingrained practice, where community members collectively teach children societal norms, values, and traditions (Serra, 2009). In this context, child fostering, where children are raised by non-biological parents—often relatives or close community members—is a common and accepted practice. This communal approach to child-rearing can significantly influence the outcomes of parental migration on African children, as being raised by a non-biological parent is not seen as unusual or stigmatizing (Poeze and Mazzucato, 2013).

For example, in West African countries like Ghana and Nigeria, children who are left behind by migrating parents often continue to live with relatives, such as grandparents, aunts, or uncles. This form of social parenthood, where caregiving responsibilities are distributed among multiple adults, is prevalent across the region and serves to buffer the potential negative impacts of parental absence. Mazzucato et al. (2015) found that in these contexts, children do not experience stigma due to their parents’ migration and the subsequent care they receive from extended family members. The norm of communal caregiving means that these children are still embedded within a supportive community structure that provides continuity and emotional security, despite the physical absence of their parents.

However, this positive outlook on communal child fostering is not without its challenges. In the same study, Mazzucato et al. (2015) noted that the frequent changes in caregivers, which can occur when children are passed between different relatives, can undermine the stability necessary for secure attachment. In Nigeria and Ghana, for instance, while communal child fostering is generally seen as beneficial, the lack of consistent caregiving due to frequent caregiver changes resulted in negative psychological outcomes for children. These outcomes included feelings of insecurity and difficulties in forming stable attachment bonds, highlighting that even within a communal caregiving context, the stability of the caregiving arrangement is crucial for the child’s mental and emotional well-being.

This raises important questions about whether more stable caregiving arrangements could enhance the positive aspects of communal child fostering and better mitigate the negative effects of maternal absence. Further research is needed to explore this potential and to determine how stable, consistent care can be maintained in contexts where communal child-rearing is the norm.

The need to consider the historical and social context is further underscored by findings from Angola, where Mazzucato et al. (2015) discovered that left-behind children exhibited poor mental health and well-being outcomes regardless of whether the mother or father migrated. This phenomenon is closely tied to the traumatic legacy of the Angolan Civil War, which devastated many communities and weakened the social fabric that typically supports communal child-rearing. The war-induced trauma significantly diminished social solidarity, leading to less effective care for left-behind children. In this context, the communal child-rearing practices that might have otherwise provided stability and support were severely disrupted, demonstrating how historical events can profoundly influence the effectiveness of cultural practices like communal caregiving.

Comparatively, in Zimbabwe, Manyeruke et al. (2021) found that children in both transitional (with migrant parents) and traditional families (with both parents present) showed no significant differences in attachment styles, with secure attachment being the most common. This finding was attributed to the societal norms of communal child fostering, which are deeply embedded in Zimbabwean culture. The study suggests that, unlike in Angola, the societal structures supporting communal caregiving in Zimbabwe have remained intact, allowing children to maintain secure attachments even in the absence of their biological parents. However, the study also noted that children tended to cope better with paternal migration than with maternal absence, indicating that the role of the mother as a primary caregiver is still crucial, even within a communal context. This observation calls for further research to clarify whether secure attachment is more strongly associated with children of migrating fathers or mothers and to better understand the nuances of attachment formation in communal caregiving settings.

When comparing these cultural norms to other regions, such as Asia or Latin America, distinct differences emerge. In many Southeast Asian cultures, like those in Indonesia and the Philippines, caregiving tends to be more centered on the nuclear family, with the mother often playing a pivotal role in the emotional and psychological development of the child (Yeoh et al., 2020) The migration of the mother in these contexts can therefore have more pronounced negative effects, as the child loses their primary source of emotional support, and extended family members may not be as involved in caregiving. In contrast, in Latin American cultures, extended family networks also play a significant role, but the emphasis on the nuclear family remains strong, and the mother’s role is similarly central (Martinez and Acosta Gonzalez, 2022). The migration of mothers in these contexts often leads to challenges in maintaining consistent and supportive care, similar to the challenges observed in African settings, albeit within a different cultural framework (Pharr et al., 2014).

Evidence was found in the literature that the quality of care LBCs receive from their substitute caregivers can lead to a paradigm shift in parental migration outcomes. Substitute caregivers can be both protective factors and risk factors for LBCs depending on the quality of attachment bond they form with LBCs (Battistella and Conaco, 1998). Attachment bonds are founded on the quality of care, love, attunement, and nurture the children receive from their caregivers (Van der Kolk, 2014, p. 132). The effectiveness of substitute caregivers can vary widely, as they may not always be able to replicate the nurturing and care typically provided by the mother. This can lead to gaps in care and support for children which will consequently affect their mental health. On the other hand, some substitute caregivers succeed in fostering a secure attachment with LBCs by being loving, nurturing, and caring; this can mitigate the psychological consequences of mothers’ absence on children, and help these children lead healthy and happy lives (Hugo and Ukwatta, 2010; Lam and Yeoh, 2019). Adhikari et al. (2014) pointed to the strong association between the age and the mental health status of the substitute caregivers with the psychological wellbeing of LBC in Thailand. In this study, it was found that the mental health of substitute caregivers significantly impacts the psychological well-being of left-behind children (LBC). LBCs under mentally healthy caregivers exhibited better mental health compared to those under mentally unhealthy ones, who may be incapable of providing suitable care and could create stressful or abusive environments. Additionally, younger caregivers below thirty often prioritize personal lives and careers, leading to neglect of LBCs. In this regard, it is also notable that Graham et al. (2012) indicated that children who were left in the care of older grandmothers do not get the appropriate emotional support they need when they face problems, because older grandmothers tend to lack the necessary knowledge about the emotional needs of these children who belong to a much younger generation, which can affect their psychological well being. In summary, the studies emphasize that the age appropriateness of caregivers can immensely affect the mental health outcomes of LBCs.

The quality of care received by left-behind children affects reunions with their mothers. Those with secure attachments to substitute caregivers may find the return of their mothers stressful due to separation from familiar caregivers and routine disruption. Conversely, children with neglectful or abusive caregivers may struggle to trust their mothers, making reunions and living together difficult (Bragin and Pierrepointe, 2004).

The impact of parental migration on left behind children can vary significantly depending on the age of the children at the time of separation. Adhikari et al. (2014) concluded in their study that younger children in Thailand feel abandoned by their mothers when they migrate, but older children accept their mothers migration because they start to fully grasp the reasons behind it. Bragin and Pierrepointe (2004) partially disagree with Adhikari et al. (2014)’s findings. The authors argued that older children do not readily accept their mothers’ migration without mental impact. They struggle to understand why their mothers leave for better opportunities abroad, leading to increased distress as they prioritize love and care over material possessions.

Studies in the African context have yielded different findings. Cebotari et al. (2017) reported that older children in African transnational families find themselves more vulnerable in terms of health conditions than younger children. The same study found that age is a statistically significant indicator in relation to health – older children tended to rate their health more negatively in both Ghana and Nigeria. On the other hand, Adhikari et al. (2014) found the opposite in her study that was conducted in Thailand. The study concluded that older children enjoy better mental health outcomes than younger children who are in transitional households, because they become less dependent on their mothers as they expand their support network as they grow. Noteworthy, Nguyen (2016) emphasized the importance of child development between the ages of 5 and 8 years old, and argued that leaving children behind at this crucial age delays cognitive development. This was the case for Vietnam, India, and Peru, but not for Ethiopia, as the study concluded that parental migration does not have a significant effect on children there. This can be attributed to the common practice of communal child fostering in Africa.

In many cultures, mothers are considered the primary caregivers for their children, and have the major responsibility in child rearing and household management (Bornstein and Putnick, 2016; Zimmermann et al., 2022; Leemann et al., 2020; Sharma et al., 2016). The work of Graham et al. (2012) showed the perception of LBCs regarding this issue. Children who were interviewed in this study, had gendered understanding of caring norms, one of the children who was interviewed for the aforementioned study stated the following about her father:

LBC evaluation of their well-being can be affected by the gender-normative discourses. They experience mother care, father care, and care from other female caregivers differently (Lam and Yeoh, 2019). Furthermore, mothers’ migration disturbs these gendered norms which lead to social stigma or judgment, both for the mother and the children, potentially leading to feelings of guilt, shame, or social isolation (Parreñas, 2005, p. 5).

Evidenced in the literature is the reality that the emotional well-being of children of migrant mothers may improve if they keep in contact with their migrant mothers. Studies also found that feelings of intimacy and attachment are likely to be disrupted when contact with a migrant parent is rare (Graham et al., 2012; Manyeruke et al., 2021). New technologies have made communication between LBCs and their migrant mothers easier. Many migrant mothers contact their children frequently and provide them with the emotional support they need from a distance (Boccagni, 2012). However, the place of origin of the migrant worker plays a key role in maintaining communication with their children. These new means of communication are not always available in the migrant worker’s place of origin. For example, Ukwatta (2010) concludes that Filipino migrant workers make more use of new technologies to keep in touch with their children than Sri Lankan migrant workers, which could be attributed to the fact that the use of high technology in communications in Sri Lanka is still not as widespread as in the Philippines. All the same, such means of communication are not available throughout the Philippines due to social inequalities and disparities in income between rural and urban areas (Hugo and Ukwatta, 2010). Another obstacle to keeping communication with their children is the conditions of employment of migrant mothers. Domestic workers, for example, call their children less frequently than other migrant women in other professions, as some employers limit their access to mobile phones (Graham et al., 2012). Furthermore, in their 2021 study, Cardoso et al. uncovered that in Mexico substitute caregivers act as gatekeepers and sometimes do not allow LBCs to contact their mother. This was not the case in the Philippines and Indonesia where children had their own mobile phones and they expressed agency over contacting their mothers (Graham et al., 2012). The study emphasizes that technology places more pressure on migrant mothers to stay in frequent contact with their children compared to fathers, due to gender norms. When mothers fail to do so, it intensifies feelings of guilt and children may blame them for abandonment, worsening their mental health.

One notable limitation is the potential for selection bias, as many studies may focus on specific populations or regions, leading to a lack of generalizability across diverse cultural and socio-economic contexts. Additionally, the cross-sectional nature of many studies limits our understanding of the long-term effects of maternal migration on children’s mental health. The reviewed studies often rely on self-reported data, which can introduce biases related to social desirability or recall accuracy.

Discrepancies between studies, such as differing outcomes for children in similar caregiving situations, may stem from variations in cultural norms, socioeconomic conditions, or methodological differences. For instance, while some studies suggest that communal child-fostering can mitigate the negative effects of maternal migration, others find that it may not fully compensate for the absence of a mother. These discrepancies raise questions about the uniformity of these findings and highlight the need for more standardized research methodologies and longitudinal designs to capture the dynamic nature of these outcomes over time.

The potential implications of these biases and limitations are significant. They suggest that the current understanding of maternal migration’s impact on children may be overly simplified, failing to capture the full complexity of the issue. This underscores the importance of caution when generalizing findings and applying them to policy or practice.

The findings of this review also have important theoretical implications, particularly for attachment theory and migration studies. Attachment theory, which traditionally emphasizes the centrality of the mother–child bond, may need to be re-evaluated in the context of maternal migration. The evidence suggesting that children can form secure attachments with multiple caregivers challenges the traditional view of a singular attachment figure and suggests that attachment theory may need to be adapted to account for cultural variations in caregiving practices.

Moreover, these findings contribute to migration studies by highlighting the gendered dimensions of migration and the specific challenges faced by migrant mothers and their children. The feminization of migration complicates traditional gender roles and raises new questions about how these shifts impact family dynamics and child development. The review suggests that migration studies should incorporate more nuanced, intersectional approaches that consider how gender, culture, and socioeconomic status intersect to shape the experiences of migrant families.

The cultural context plays a crucial role in shaping the outcomes of maternal migration, yet this aspect remains underexplored in much of the literature. Different cultural practices around caregiving, such as communal child-rearing or reliance on extended family networks, can significantly influence how children experience maternal absence. For instance, in many African and Southeast Asian societies, communal child-fostering is a common practice, where children are often cared for by extended family members or community members in the absence of their biological parents. In these contexts, children may be more accustomed to forming attachments with multiple caregivers, which can act as a buffer against the negative effects of maternal migration. For example, studies in countries like Ghana and the Philippines have shown that children raised in such communal settings may maintain emotional stability and a sense of security, despite the physical absence of their mothers.

However, this cultural resilience has its limits. The review reveals that even in contexts where communal caregiving is prevalent, challenges persist. The instability that often accompanies cycles of caregiving arrangements—where children may be passed between different relatives or caregivers—can disrupt the development of secure attachments. Secure attachments are crucial for children’s overall well-being, providing them with a stable emotional base from which they can explore the world and develop healthy relationships. Inconsistent caregiving, on the other hand, can lead to feelings of insecurity, abandonment, and emotional distress, which may have long-term psychological impacts. This suggests that while cultural practices may mitigate some of the adverse effects of maternal migration, they cannot entirely eliminate the risks associated with maternal absence.

Expanding the cultural analysis further, it becomes evident that the impact of maternal migration cannot be understood in isolation from broader cultural, economic, and social contexts. For instance, the socioeconomic environment of the destination country plays a critical role in shaping the experiences of migrant mothers. In countries where immigrant labor is devalued and poorly protected by labor laws, migrant mothers may face harsh working conditions, limited access to social services, and prolonged separation from their families due to restrictive immigration policies. These stressors not only affect the well-being of the migrant mothers but also have ripple effects on their children back home, who may experience heightened anxiety and insecurity due to the uncertain and precarious situation of their mothers abroad.

Additionally, cultural attitudes toward immigrants in the destination country can further exacerbate the stress experienced by migrant mothers. In societies where immigrants are viewed with suspicion or hostility, migrant mothers may face social isolation, discrimination, and a lack of support networks, which can compound the emotional strain of being separated from their children. This, in turn, can affect the quality and frequency of communication between the mothers and their children, further weakening the attachment bonds and contributing to negative psychological outcomes for the children.

Attachment theory, which traditionally emphasizes the importance of a consistent and secure attachment figure for a child’s emotional and psychological development, provides a useful framework for understanding the impacts of maternal migration. According to attachment theory, the disruption of the mother–child bond—particularly during critical stages of a child’s development—can lead to attachment insecurity, which is associated with a range of adverse mental health outcomes, including anxiety, depression, and difficulties in forming and maintaining relationships later in life. However, the cultural context challenges some of the assumptions of attachment theory, particularly the idea that the mother is the sole or primary attachment figure. In many non-Western societies, where caregiving is more communal and distributed among several individuals, children may develop multiple attachments that provide them with a sense of security, even in the absence of their mothers. This suggests that attachment theory may need to be adapted or expanded to better account for the diversity of caregiving practices across different cultures.

While cultural practices such as communal child-rearing can offer some protection against the negative effects of maternal migration, they are not a panacea. The impact of maternal migration is deeply intertwined with broader cultural, economic, and social factors, and must be understood within the context of both the home and destination countries. To fully grasp the complexities of these dynamics, it is essential to integrate cultural analysis with attachment theory, recognizing the limitations of applying a one-size-fits-all approach to understanding the psychological impacts of maternal migration on left-behind children. Future research should continue to explore these intersections, providing a more nuanced and culturally informed understanding of how maternal migration affects children across different global landscapes.