The family plays a pivotal role in a child’s growth, yet other influential environments, including schools (Chao, 2001; Veiga et al., 2021) and peer groups (Maccoby and Martin, 1983; Martinez-Escudero et al., 2023), also contribute to their development. Both parental involvement theory and bioecological theory indicate that parenting style significantly influences the healthy development of children’s emotion management skills (Morris et al., 2007; Luo et al., 2019). Parenting styles encompass a range of parental attitudes and behaviors toward raising children (Darling and Steinberg, 1993), reflecting the quality of children’s interactions with family members and their emotional well-being. Parenting approaches can be characterized by integrating two core dimensions: responsiveness and demandingness (Lamborn et al., 1991; Villarejo et al., 2023). These dimensions, namely responsiveness and demandingness, are typically seen as independent of each other (Darling and Steinberg, 1993; Fuentes et al., 2022). The term “responsiveness” captures a parent’s warmth, active involvement, and ability to nurture a child’s unique personality (Baumrind, 1991; Climent-Galarza et al., 2022). On the other hand, “demandingness” describes the level of strictness and expectations parents set for their children in aligning with societal or familial norms (Steinberg et al., 1994; Palacios et al., 2022). Within this dual-dimensional framework, several scholars have outlined specific parenting categories. These include authoritative (high in both responsiveness and demandingness), authoritarian (high demandingness, low responsiveness), neglectful (low in both dimensions), and indulgent (high responsiveness, low demandingness) as common classifications in familial research (Lamborn et al., 1991; Steinberg et al., 1994; Villarejo et al., 2023). Baumrind’s work (Baumrind, 1968; Baumrind, 1971) has distinguished between permissive-indulgent and permissive-neglectful parents, noting both a variance in levels of parental responsiveness and resultant child outcomes (Lamborn et al., 1991; Martinez-Escudero et al., 2020). Interestingly, children from families emphasizing responsiveness but lacking in demandingness often exhibit better adaptability and skills compared to their counterparts from neglectful households. Building on Baumrind’s foundational theoretical approach, Maccoby and Martin (1983) advanced the classification of parenting styles into four distinct categories: authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, and neglectful. Interestingly, parenting styles and their impacts vary across cultures (Pinquart and Kauser, 2018; Martinez-Escudero et al., 2023). The cultural backdrop can significantly influence the dynamics between parenting methods and child adjustment (Pinquart and Kauser, 2018; Garcia et al., 2019). Considering China’s rich cultural tapestry deeply rooted in Confucian principles, parenting often mirrors its hierarchies and moral teachings. Such teachings promote understanding and respecting familial hierarchies and social statuses. Chinese societal norms value a child’s proper upbringing, which emphasizes elements of guidance and discipline. Therefore, parents may employ stern disciplinary measures if children fall short of set expectations, viewing this strictness as their responsibility (Chao, 1994). This rigorous parenting instills in the young an understanding of their roles within family and society, facilitating their smooth societal integration (Pan and Shang, 2023). In studies of European-American families, an authoritative approach frequently emerges as optimal for child development (Maccoby and Martin, 1983; Lamborn et al., 1991; Steinberg et al., 1994). However, China’s competitive social fabric has intensified parental involvement in children’s upbringing. There’s an evident trend of parents being increasingly directive yet responsive to their children’s needs, with neglectful parenting being a rarity (Henry et al., 2020; Liu F. et al., 2020; Liu J. et al., 2020; Vogel et al., 2021). Contemporary young Chinese parents are veering toward promoting children’s independence, challenging the traditional norm of grandparents’ indulgence. This change has led to a decline in overly permissive parenting practices (Scharff, 2022; Lin et al., 2023; Guo J. et al., 2023). Research by Wu (1996) suggests that Chinese parents frequently resort to reprimands to guide their children’s behavior, particularly in academic realms, reflecting an authoritarian approach (Kriger and Kroes, 1972; Lin and Fu, 1990). Interestingly, recent studies from European and South American contexts highlight the potential advantages of high responsiveness combined with low demandingness (Gimenez-Serrano et al., 2022; Martinez-Escudero et al., 2023; Villarejo et al., 2023). Historically, China has emphasized social harmony and order. Consequently, in Chinese familial contexts, most parents not only respond to their children’s expressions and actions but also set expectations for their emotional and behavioral conduct. An authoritative approach resonates with many Chinese parents, aligning with the cultural ethos of balance. In general, several studies focusing on Chinese-American families have identified the benefits of the authoritative style (Chao, 1994, 2001). Therefore, it can be argued that the two primary parenting styles, authoritative (characterized by both responsiveness and demandingness) and authoritarian (characterized by responsiveness without demandingness), are most prevalent in Chinese families. This research aimed to determine which of these two styles is optimal.

Researchers have long studied the mechanisms through which parenting styles influence children’s emotional health (Li J. B. et al., 2019; Li Y. et al., 2019). This research complements and builds upon Gottman’s classification of parenting styles related to emotion (Gottman et al., 1996). However, studies have typically reported differential manifestations of children’s emotional dysregulation (Camisasca et al., 2022), emotional monitoring and behavioral problems (Haslam et al., 2020) under different parenting styles, or the profound impact of children’s perceived parenting style on their mental health (Feng et al., 2021). Nevertheless, little in-depth research has been conducted on the complete system of children’s emotion management skills. According to family systems theory (Bowen, 1993), the degree of individual socialization determines how individuals experience emotional states, and at the same time, the degree of individual emotionalization is closely related to personal, family, and cultural contexts (Lewis, 1995). Thus, the family has been described as the primary environment for children’s emotional establishment and social adjustment patterns. Research has shown that authoritarian parenting styles (e.g., discipline, control, say no) negatively affect children’s emotional and psychological stability (Kawabata et al., 2011). Additionally, in Helping Families Change, Satir et al. (1994) suggest the importance of family communication theory, which states that 93% of emotional states in parent–child conversations are perceived by each other, and that an emotionally unstable or impulsive child who elicits a hostile parental response may make the child’s response more aggressive than the child’s response prior to the parent’s response (Wahl and Metzner, 2012). In contrast, authoritative parents employ positive emotional communication, characterized by active listening, understanding, and positive recognition, along with consistent rules for their children, which positively influences their children’s emotional management and psychological adjustment (Khaleque, 2013). Family systems theory highlights the critical impact of overall family system stability, harmony, and health on children’s emotional and psychological development (Lindahl et al., 2012). While numerous theoretical and empirical studies have demonstrated the influence of parenting styles on children’s emotion management skills, the role of protective factors has been relatively understudied. Firstly, research on self-control in school-aged children suggests that parent-grandparent co-parenting can predict children’s self-control through maternal authoritative parenting, and authoritative parenting itself is associated with children’s self-control (Yang et al., 2023). Pratt and Cullen (2000) meta-analysis have unequivocally shown that low self-control is significantly and positively correlated with involvement in crime and deviant behaviors. Additionally, Gibbs et al. (1998) found that low self-control mediated a substantial portion of the effect of parenting on college deviance, encompassing behaviors such as alcohol use, class-cutting, academic dishonesty, and school suspension or expulsion. Secondly, punishment and harsh parenting styles can have adverse effects on children, which can be magnified within peer interactions, leading to disharmony in social relationships (Shen et al., 2015). The effects of these variables may manifest not only in the short term but also during long-term developmental processes. In fact, detrimental effects on peer relationships, such as becoming targets of exclusion and bullying, can arise from characteristics of the parent–child relationship, including abusive, neglectful, or maladaptive parenting (Reijntjes et al., 2010, 2011; Lereya et al., 2013). Both children’s self-control and peer interactions exert powerful influences on their emotion management skills. Studies have indicated that individuals with higher levels of peer interactions and self-control tend to hold more positive beliefs about managing negative emotions and expressing positive emotions (Chow et al., 2015; Meng et al., 2020). Consequently, we hypothesize that both self-control and peer interactions mediate the relationship between parenting style and children’s emotion management skills. We proposed that parenting style is related to children’s emotion management skills (hypothesis one). We expect that authoritative parenting will have a positive correlation with children’s emotion management skills, while authoritarian parenting will have a negative correlation.

The ability of children to consciously regulate their behavior in order to meet their specific needs contributes to enhanced focus, improved social adjustment, and effective coping with negative emotional experiences such as pain and frustration (Chen et al., 2012). Self-control refers to an individual’s capacity to regulate behavior, emotions, and various other responses in a timely manner to accomplish specific goals and serves as a significant indicator of early socialization (Moffitt et al., 2011). It encompasses attentional aspects, such as the ability to shift or sustain attention, as well as behavioral aspects, such as inhibiting impulses or undesirable behaviors (Duckworth and Kern, 2011). The initiation hypothesis of the psychological mechanisms of self-control (Mischel and Ayduk, 2002) suggests that children’s attention, cognition, and emotions mature as they develop self-control, with higher levels of self-control reducing an individual’s arousal in emotionally charged situations and regulating emotional expression and impulsive behaviors. Prior studies have established a significant correlation between self-control and prosocial behavior among children and adolescents, indicating that individuals with higher levels of self-control are more likely to exhibit prosocial acts (Carlo et al., 2012). Children experiencing challenges in self-control are susceptible to emotional and behavioral issues (Chui and Chan, 2015). Inadequate regulation of negative emotions can contribute to chronic emotional distress, leading to elevated levels of anxiety and depression (Nigra et al., 2015), ultimately manifesting as irritable moods and pathological behaviors commonly associated with autism. Therefore, adequate self-control facilitates individuals in planning their actions, managing their emotions, conserving ego-depleting resources, and effectively anticipating conflict precursors, making it easier to maintain emotional stability in the face of arbitrary outcomes (Hofmann et al., 2009).

Furthermore, the development of self-control is significantly influenced by family dynamics, particularly parenting styles (Russell et al., 2013). Authoritarian parenting styles, characterized by frequent negative emotions and caregiver disengagement, can hinder children’s adaptive efforts to regulate their behavior and impede the cultivation of self-control (Harrist and Waugh, 2002; Li et al., 2015). Parental rejection and excessive intervention have been found to predict children’s low self-control, as well as heightened levels of anger, anxiety, and aggression (Wang et al., 2015). The imposition of high levels of parental control and intervention may suppress children’s intrinsic motivation, subsequently limiting their exploration and adaptation abilities (Guan et al., 2018). Additionally, research suggests that individuals with higher levels of self-control demonstrate better regulation of mood and emotions, whereas poor self-control is associated with anxiety and depression (Özdemir et al., 2014; Yen et al., 2014; Pan et al., 2021). Given that poor self-control serves as a risk factor for mood disorders, it may contribute to comorbidity between anxiety-depression, substance use, and Internet addiction during later childhood (Na et al., 2017). Some empirical studies have shown that authoritative parenting facilitates children’s perceptions of behavioral autonomy, so that children believe they can make and stick to their own decisions (Yu et al., 2013), have a better sense of control and accomplishment over themselves, and reinforce their positive behaviors. Children with high levels of proprioceptive self-control have fewer externalizing problems and less dissociative distress, and are more socially competent with skills to control negative emotions, get along with others, and follow social rules (Spinrad et al., 2007; Sun et al., 2022). Calm thinking and stable emotion management allow them to focus their energy and time on solving practical problems, prefer a positive view of things, and have an optimistic personality (Baesu, 2019; Li J. B. et al., 2019; Li Y. et al., 2019). The presence of positive interactions, coupled with authoritative parenting, is linked to enhanced self-control outcomes in children throughout their developmental stages. For instance, children who engage in more mutually positive and prosocial interactions with their caregivers exhibit improved behavioral and emotional regulation (Kim and Kochanska, 2012; Davis et al., 2017). Therefore, based on the aforementioned research, we hypothesized that self-control could mediate the effects of parenting style on children’s emotion management skills (hypothesis two).

Group dynamics theory suggests that as children grow older, the proportion of peer group participation in children’s lives will increase substantially, and that interactions in different social situations will satisfy children’s intrinsic values (Lewin, 1948; Burnes and Bargal, 2017). Peer acceptance is closely related to emotional perception and positive personality (Beazidou and Botsoglou, 2016). Peer interactions is the comprehensive ability of young children to perceive, adapt, coordinate, and manage peer relationships during interactions with peers of the same or similar age (Jiang et al., 2015). Children’s peer interactions play an important role in children’s emotion management skills, the better children’s peer interactions are, the more they promote children’s ability to identify their own and others’ emotions, manage their bad emotions, and use positive emotions to make better decisions (Mayer et al., 2004). Children who are unpopular, rejected, and ostracized by their peers often develop inappropriate emotional expressions and behavioral conflicts, but inappropriate emotions and behaviors can be observed, learned, imitated, and corrected through peer interactions to reshape emotional perceptions and have stable emotion management. When children’s ability to recognize expressions and select emotion perspectives is better developed, they are more likely to be accepted by their peers (Denham and Couchoud, 1990). Therefore, children’s peer interactions are one of the necessary conditions to determine their level of emotion management skills.

The tendency to exhibit behavioral deficits or excessive behavior increases with poorer peer interactions, and the lack of social skills leading to peer alienation predisposes to the development of autism spectrum disorder (ASD), which interferes with normal interpersonal interactions in adulthood (Corbett et al., 2014). Social learning theory states that children tend to develop their own patterns of interpersonal interactions by observing their parents’ everyday interactive behaviors (Bandura, 1976; Ladd and Kochenderfer-Ladd, 2019). Safdar and Zahrah (2016) found that children raised by authoritative parents were more dominant in peer interactions, more likely to integrate into groups and be accepted by peers, and had a significant positive correlation with peer cooperation behaviors (Lau and Power, 2020). Children with authoritarian parenting, on the other hand, are overly dependent on parents, have less self-control, are more likely to exhibit disobedient behavior, have poorer peer interactions, and often suffer from peer rejection (Lee and Wong, 2009). This situation can increase children’s pride or low self-esteem, and even lead to school bullying, social withdrawal, and self-blocking behaviors, resulting in negative emotional experiences and negative social relationship evaluations (Zheng et al., 2019).

In a study conducted in Spain, the examination of parenting style and peer attachment as predictors of emotional instability in late childhood revealed that both parenting style and peer group played equally significant roles in predicting emotional instability among children (Llorca-Mestre et al., 2017). The findings align with the principles of ecological theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), which emphasize the continuous interaction between individual characteristics and their context. According to this theory, individual characteristics evolve and develop over time through ongoing interactions with their environment (Bronfenbrenner and Ceci, 1994). Therefore, when children’s emotional needs are not met by their parents, contextual interactions among peers play a compensatory role in children’s emotional management. Children may be able to learn from their peers how to control their emotions, suppress unreasonable desires, coordinate with others, and rationally handle peer conflicts (Wang et al., 2019). When children can correctly understand their peers’ basic mental states, such as thoughts, intentions, and emotions, and can predict and interpret their peers’ behavior through emotional transference, they will have normal, friendly interactions with their peers and perform better on tasks (Astington and Barriault, 2001). Children who are unpopular, rejected, and ostracized by their peers are more likely to experience bullying (Zhu et al., 2020) and may become more sensitive to frustration, which can further exacerbate levels of problem behavior and contribute to impaired interactions and poor social adjustment in adolescence (Buhs and Ladd, 2001). These negative childhood experiences can further increase a child’s withdrawal behaviors and rejection of peer interactions, resulting in a withdrawn personality disorder (Guina, 2016; Bang et al., 2018). There is a strong correlation between children’s emotion management and well-being and parenting styles and children’s peer interactions (Malonda et al., 2019; Zhang and Deng, 2022). Therefore, we hypothesized that parenting styles may be predictors of peer interactions, such that authoritarian parenting styles negatively predict peer interactions, whereas authoritative parenting styles positively predict peer interactions. Based on the aforementioned research, we hypothesized that peer interactions would mediate the effects of parenting style on children’s emotion management skills (hypothesis three).

Existing research has demonstrated the protective influence of both self-control and peer interactions on the development of children’s emotion management skills (Li et al., 2013; Xu et al., 2021). Moreover, parenting style indirectly affects children’s emotion management skills through the mediating factors of self-control and peer interactions, forming a chain mediating process within the relationship (Erkan and Sop, 2018; Farzadi et al., 2021). Consequently, there is a crucial need for comprehensive investigations into the mechanisms through which parenting styles impact children’s emotion management skills. However, limited studies have directly explored the interplay between self-control, peer interactions, and their mediating effects on the association between parenting styles and children’s emotion management skills. Therefore, this study aims to examine the relationship among these four variables by drawing upon relevant theoretical frameworks and empirical evidence.

Multiple research studies have consistently demonstrated that children’s ability to exercise self-control contributes positively to their social adjustment and interactions with peers. Drawing from a situational-developmental theory perspective, children’s self-control plays a significant role in shaping their preferences for peers, thereby influencing the development of emotional stability in later stages (Llorca-Mestre et al., 2017). Children with high levels of self-control exhibit better regulation of their behavior and emotions, leading to more appropriate and positive interactions with peers. Consequently, favorable group preferences contribute to higher levels of peer status and act as a protective factor against internalization problems in children (Heinrich and Gullone, 2006). In contrast, children with low self-control tend to interpret social cues in group settings as threatening or hostile toward themselves, which can trigger intense emotional reactions and a hostile disposition, making them more prone to engaging in bullying behaviors (Plexousakis et al., 2019; Camodeca and Nava, 2022). It is evident that high levels of self-control are associated with increased opportunities for social interactions, which, in turn, impact children’s ability to engage with peers, form social relationships, enhance their sense of belonging, and foster positive emotional experiences during peer interactions. Additionally, Chinese parents place a strong emphasis on fostering their children’s socialization, including the control of negative emotions and the suppression of desires to prioritize group interests and attain a favorable position within peer relationships (Liu et al., 2017). Given the link between children’s self-control and their peer interactions—both of which jointly and adaptively moderate and manage their emotions and behaviors—this study proposes a third pathway. We speculate that parenting styles impact children’s emotion regulation skills through a chain mediation process that involves both self-control and peer interactions (hypothesis four).

A total of 2,397 participants were recruited from 16 kindergartens (both public and private) in 10 provinces in seven geographic regions (northern, eastern, southern, central, northwestern, southwestern, and northeastern) of China using stratified cluster sampling. Data collection took place at the start of the spring school year in 2023. Prior permission was obtained from the schools, and written informed consent was obtained from both parents and teachers of the participants. The informed consent forms ensured anonymity and confidentiality and did not require signatures or include subject names. Parents and teachers were clearly informed that participation in the study was voluntary, and they had the right to withdraw at any time. Those who agreed to participate independently completed the paper-and-pencil questionnaire during the parent-teacher conference, with the guidance of a trained research assistant. After completion, the questionnaires provided by the children’s parents and teachers were sealed in envelopes. A small token of appreciation, such as a flower or snack, was given to participants as a gesture of gratitude. Upon screening, 94 questionnaires were identified as invalid due to significant missing information. Thus, a total of 2,303 questionnaires were included in the final analysis, resulting in an overall response rate of 96.08%. Participants were aged 3–6 years (M = 4.00, SD = 0.499), 1,180 (51.2%) were boys and 1,123 (48.8%) were girls, 1,082 (34.0%) were in junior class, 782 (34.0%) in middle class, 737 (32.0%) in senior class. The two questionnaires were completed by 476 fathers and 1,827 mothers. These participants were categorized into three age groups (M = 31.00, SD = 0.532): 229 were under 30 years of age, 1,702 were between 30 and 40 years of age, and 372 were over 40 years of age.

Before the survey was started, the local education department and the survey schools were consulted to obtain their approval to conduct the study. During the survey, we asked the principal and teachers about the basic conditions of the campus, and the researcher informed the parents and teachers about the purpose and procedures of the study and administered the questionnaires. The questionnaires were administered in the classroom, where teachers conducted parent-teacher conferences with parents. Participants provided written consent before completing the study questionnaire and were informed of the purpose, confidentiality, and anonymity of this study.

All study materials in this study were reviewed and approved by the research ethics committee of the corresponding author’s university.

Statistical analysis in this study was conducted using SPSS 26.0 and Mplus 8.3. First, we used Harman’s one-way method to test for the presence of common method bias (Zhou and Long, 2004). Second, we completed descriptive statistics and Pearson correlation analysis on all study variables by running SPSS 26.0. Considering that gender, age, and grade level may be additional influencing factors for children aged 3–6 years, we decided to control for these variables in the analysis. Third, structural equation modeling (SEM) was used to examine mediating effects. To explore the mediating effects of children’s self-control and their peer interactions in the pathway of parenting styles on children’s emotion management skills, we conducted variable-by-variable analyses of authoritative and authoritarian parenting styles to assess a diverse set of hypotheses. Finally, the bootstrap method (Tibshirani and Efron, 1993) was used to repeat the sample 5,000 times to test the mediating effect of children’s self-control and peer interactions in the pathway of parenting style on children’s emotion management skills.

Harman’s one-way method was used to test for the existence of common method bias (Zhou and Long, 2004). Exploratory factor analysis resulted in 12 factors with eigenvalues greater than 1. The first factor accounted for 36.90% of the total variance, which is less than 40% of the critical standard, indicating that common method bias is not apparent. Therefore, data analysis can proceed.

Bivariate correlations between the core variables were performed using Pearson correlation analysis. The results are presented in Table 1, including the means, SDs, and Pearson correlation coefficients of the core variables. The results indicated that all the core variables were significantly related. Emotion management skills were negatively associated with authoritarian parenting style (r = −0.640, p < 0.001), but positively associated with authoritative parenting style (r = 0.733, p < 0.001), self-control (r = 0.723, p < 0.001), and peer interactions (r = 0.700, p < 0.001). Authoritarian parenting style was negatively associated with self-control (r = −0.656, p < 0.001) and peer interactions (r = −0.570, p < 0.001). Whereas authoritative parenting style was positively associated with self-control (r = 0.586, p < 0.001) and peer interactions (r = 0.602, p < 0.001). In addition, self-control was positively associated with peer interactions (r = 0.663, p < 0.001).

A chain mediation model was tested, which consisted of three indirect effects as follows: (1) self-control played a mediating role in the relationship between parenting styles and children’s emotion management skills; (2) peer interactions mediated the relationship between parenting styles and children’s emotion management skills; and (3) parenting styles may indirectly affect children’s emotion management skills through the chain mediation of self-control and peer interactions (Figure 1).

The SEM was used to examine the mediating effects of self- control and peer interactions between parenting styles and emotion management skills. The results showed that authoritarian parenting style and emotion management skills established significant and negative relationships (β = −0.640, t = −52.028, p < 0.001). After accounting for the influences of control variables, the mediation model showed that authoritarian parenting style had a significant negative direct effect on both self-control (β = −0.659, t = −49.244, p < 0.001) and emotion management skills (β = −0.100, t = −5.080, p < 0.001). Meanwhile, self-control had a significant positive direct effect on both the peer interactions (β = 0.725, t = 40.725, p < 0.001) and emotion management skills (β = 0.329, t = 12.201, p < 0.001). The peer interactions had a significant positive direct effect on emotion management skills (β = 0.532, t = 122.453, p < 0.001; see Figure 2).

As shown in Figure 3, authoritative parenting style had a significant positive direct effect on self-control (β = 0.591, t = 39.157, p < 0.001), peer interactions (β = 0.304, t = 15.867, p < 0.001), and emotion management skills (β = 0.315, t = 19.139, p < 0.001). Self-control had a significant positive direct effect on both peer interactions (β = 0.633, t = 35.437, p < 0.001) and emotion management skills (β = 0.338, t = 14.527, p < 0.001). Peer interactions had a significant positive direct effect on emotion management skills (β = 0.377, t = 14.988, p < 0.001).

Furthermore, as shown in Table 2, the total effect of authoritarian parenting style on emotion management skills was −0.641 (SE = 0.018, 95% CI [−0.674, −0.604], p < 0.001) and the direct effect was −0.100 (SE = 0.020, 95% CI [−0.139, −0.062], p < 0.001), indicating that both the total effect and the direct effects were statistically significant. The indirect effect was −0.217 (SE = 0.018, 95% CI [−0.254, −0.183], p < 0.001) in the pathway of authoritarian parenting style → self-control → emotion management skills, and the mediation effect accounted for 33.801% of the total effect (−0.642). And the indirect effect was −0.071 (SE = 0.010, 95% CI [−0.092, −0.051], p < 0.001) in the pathway of authoritarian parenting style → peer interactions → emotion management skills, and the mediation effect accounted for 11.059% of the total effect. Finally, the indirect effect was −0.254(SE = 0.013, 95% CI [−0.280, −0.230], p < 0.001) in the pathway of authoritarian parenting style → self-control → peer interactions → emotion management skills, and the mediation effect accounted for 39.564% of the total effect. Then, as shown in Table 3, the total effect of authoritative parenting style on emotion management skills was 0.770 (SE = 0.012, 95% CI [0.747, 0.793], p < 0.001), and the direct effect was 0.315 (SE = 0.016, 95% CI [0.282, 0.346], p < 0.001), indicating that both the total effect and the direct effect were statistically significant. The indirect effect was 0.200 (SE = 0.014, 95% CI [0.173, 0.230], p < 0.001) in the pathway of authoritative parenting style → self-control → emotion management skills, and the mediation effect accounted for 25.940% of the total effect (0.771). And the indirect effect was 0.115 (SE = 0.010, 95% CI [0.095, 0.136], p < 0.001) in the pathway of authoritative parenting style → peer interactions → emotion management skills, and the mediation effect accounted for 14.916% of the total effect. Finally, the indirect effect was 0.141 (SE = 0.011, 95% CI [0.121, 0. 163], p < 0.001) in the pathway of authoritative parenting style → self-control → peer interactions → emotion management skills, and the mediation effect accounted for 18.288% of the total effect. Given that the bootstrapped 95% confidence intervals do not include zero, the statistical significance of these three indirect effects is established. The data analysis revealed that the indirect effect of parenting styles (authoritarian parenting style and authoritative parenting style) on emotion management skills was contingent upon self-control and peer interactions, which served as significant and positive partial mediators in the association between parenting styles (authoritarian parenting style and authoritative parenting style) and emotion management skills.