The last decade has been a period of multi-level consumer revolution because of the presence of social media that form public relationships at various levels (Quesenberry, 2020). While sustained economic growth leads to a surge in discretionary expenditure on globally branded consumer items, the income distribution has become more and more unequal at the same time (Davis, 2005). The purchase process in urban retail chains affects the psychic state or the mental life of the consumers (Halkin, 2018). Consumers adjust their buying habits to cope with the stress that comes with the transitions in urban life (Lee et al., 2001). While from the social and cultural perspective, cities always generate some unpleasant feelings such as stress, discomfort, and animosity (Mubi Brighenti and Pavoni, 2019), retail crowding (i.e., consumer response to human density) has also been an intriguing area of study by marketing science (Eroglu et al., 2005). Particularly, Neuromarketing, the emerging discipline in marketing science, emphasizes studying the cognitive and affective responses of consumers (Lee et al., 2007). Consumer dispositions affect the linkages between stress-related appraisals, consumption feelings, and the coping process (Duhachek and Iacobucci, 2005). Stress can exacerbate detrimental tendencies, such as materialism and compulsive purchase (Burroughs and Rindfleisch, 2002). Nonetheless, the mental life, particularly the perceived stress of the consumers, has received little attention in studying consumer behavior (Moschis, 2007). The present research examines the metropolitan mental life of consumers of Dhaka by focusing on the dynamic interplays of the most pertinent psychosocial factors, such as perceived stress, sense of control, materialistic values, and religiosity.

The mental life of urban consumers reflects a set of organized attitudes and sentiments that may differ from one person to another in countless obvious ways, but their metropolitan “mental life” requires them to embrace and maintain the objective existence against the overwhelming forces of the city (Tole, 1993). Like most of the megacities, Dhaka is not merely “a physical mechanism and an artificial construction but the vital processes of the people who compose it; it is a product of nature, and particularly of human nature” (Park et al., 1984, p. 01). The residents, like the residents of other megacities, require maintaining the autonomy and uniqueness of their human nature in the face of constant and overwhelming transformation of the urban social structure (Mridha and Moore, 2011). Perhaps, the rapid transformation of Dhaka encourages the urbanites to liberate themselves from the shackles of all historical bonds, be it religious, political, economic, or moral (Bertuzzo, 2009). They may live in “a mosaic of little social worlds which touch but do not interpenetrate” (Park et al., 1984, p. 26). Perhaps, the major problem may not be the absence of social solidarity or the loss of communal values, but the sense of powerlessness (Seeman, 1971, p. 140). That powerlessness may lead the Dhaka residents to adopt a collaborative approach, with the fellow residents and with the divine (Pargament, 1997). Religious beliefs and commitment help them in self-preservation and retrain them from committing any destructive social conduct (Pargament et al., 1998). All these, with the unifying motives in the narrower sense of survival, form the inseparable whole of the metropolitan mental life of the consumers. Therefore, there should be a shared internal means by which they deal with their immediate external social environment. Their unique escalated awareness and a predominance of intelligence lead them to respond with “their heads instead of their hearts” (Simmel and Wolff, 1950, p. 01). However, it remains a question of what essentials elements of their mental life could be, and what is the nature of the dynamic interplays of those elements.

We are inclined to believe that the urban environment shapes the cognitive characteristics of the consumers; their sense of control, which is either internal (high) or external (low), manifests their assessment of personal control over outcomes (Fiori et al., 2006). Because of the ever-increasing complexity of the urban environment, the urban consumers require confronting “the latent, and often unintended, consequences of one’s actions” (Geyer, 2001, p. 388). Since the complexities of urban lives are appearing to be perceived as arbitrary and unpredictable, the urbanites determine their social priorities to preserve their sense of selfness and powerlessness (Ross et al., 2001). This sense of powerlessness denotes their view toward their capability to affect and regulate outcomes of their life experiences (Foulk et al., 2020). However, the confidence of handling the social problems of urban lives, controlling irritations of social lives, and the feelings that social life is heading in a favorable direction enhances self-efficacy and reduces the sense of helplessness (Cohen et al., 1993, 1994). Here, religion becomes a socially determined means that helps them not to be terrified of their imponderable urban social conditions (Hancock and Srinivas, 2008).

Religion in the urban environment is more of a perspective and less of the strict codes of conduct; religion seems to be “the heart of the heartless” (Marx, 1844) urban life, and the means to express the mild aversion, reciprocal strangeness, and repulsion by the residents. Religious organizations, such as mosques, offer the opportunity to interact in a way that the urbanites feel that they have positive social relations with everyone all around (Durkheim, 1915). Particularly, in religious ceremonies, they interact with those who have been the neighbors for years and yet are often not even identified by sight in everyday interaction (Durkheim, 1915). However, any metropolis is based upon an integration of several distinctive phenomena, and the market economy is the most pronounced one (Simmel and Wolff, 1950). “A city is a state – of mind, of taste, of opportunity. A city is a marketplace – where ideas are traded, opinions clash and eternal conflict may produce eternal truths” (Caen, 1967, p. 08). The urban environment favors the practice of reciprocity, where material items have a social meaning and value beyond their functional use (McFarlane, 2011). Materials become the objective measurable achievement of self-esteem whereby the metropolitan citizen reckons with whom he must have social ties (Reeves et al., 2012). Since the multiplicity and concentration of economic transactions emphasize the means of exchange and the value it generates, money becomes the shared concern (Sirgy, 1999). With a very distinct sensation to the materialistic urban lives, the psychic behavior always reacts to almost any perception of the materialistic values. Therefore, the current research hypothesized that the urban environment of Dhaka offers a greater opportunity to form materialism and yet religion remains the essential aspect of social lives. The interplays between materialistic values and religiosity were hypothesized to be critically related to perceived stress and the sense of control.

Perceived stress is the perceptions or ideas of an individual about the amount of stress they are experiencing at any particular time or during a specified period (Phillips, 2013, p. 1453). Perceived stress includes sentiments of the uncontrollability and imprevisibility of life, how often one faces annoying troubles, how many changes one makes in his or her life, and how confident he or she is to address the hurdles or problems faced (Asberg and Renk, 2014). It is not the measurement of types or frequencies of a person when it comes to strained events, rather how a person feels about the overall stress of life and the ability to cope with these stresses (Phillips, 2013). Because of factors including personality, coping resources, and support, people perceive the effect or severity of comparable life events differently (Asberg and Renk, 2014). Perceived stress thus reflects the interplay between an individual and their environment that they view as threatening or exhausting their resources (Lazarus and Folkman, 1987). Perceived stress is frequently quantified using a questionnaire such as the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS-10) to determine the frequency of such feelings (Cohen et al., 1993). While perceived stress was once thought to be a one-dimensional assessment, the academic community now considers it to be two-dimensional (Taylor, 2015); the negatively phrased items implying perceived helplessness, and the positively phrased things implying perceived self-efficacy (Hewitt et al., 1992). There is some evidence that the degree of psychological and biological responses to stress is influenced by the impression of control over stressful circumstances (Maes et al., 1998). Some research looked at the impact of stressor control perception on both subjective and physiologic stress responses (Bollini et al., 2004). Sense of control is the belief that one has control over their own life rather than external influences (Ross et al., 2001). The sense of control can be understood as internal, i.e., the belief that one can control their life, or external, that is the view that life is controlled by external elements that the person have no impact on or that chance or destiny rules his or her life (Rotter, 1966). The internal locus of control tends to praise or criticize oneself; the external locus of control tends to praise or blame external causes (Anderson, 1976). Based on these key self-evaluation dimensions, the following hypothesis was made:

The perceived power to control life events and outcomes are shaped by religious beliefs and actions (Fiori et al., 2006). Religiosity is a defining factor of social lives, wherein the preferences of people when it comes to apparel, foods, social gatherings, and decision-making often depend on their religious beliefs and religious commitment (Sethi and Seligman, 1993). It is “the degree to which beliefs in specific religious values and ideals are held and practiced by an individual” (Delener, 1990). People assess the significance of their religion in a variety of ways that range from inclusive (beliefs and spirituality) to exclusive (rituals and practices) (Büssing, 2017). Religious people are less inclined to regard difficulties as threats as their religious beliefs help them cope with undesirable life events (Ellison, 1991). Their faith in divine power or God strengthen the function of creating a sense of security; they believe that God will ensure that “all goes well,” or at the very least will go well in the future; this reduces stress and contributes to general well-being (Ellison and Burdette, 2012). The conviction that one is loved and treasured by God is linked to self-worth (Crocker and Nuer, 2003). Therefore, we hypothesize the following:

It is important to note that there are two competing theories to explain the effect of religion on the sense of control. The relinquished control thesis argues that religious belief will reduce the sense of control of an individual because heavenly creatures govern life occurrences and results (Jackson and Coursey, 1988). To believe in God as an active agent, one must give up personal or internal control (Jackson and Coursey, 1988). Relying on supernatural intervention can diminish mastery by distracting from problem-solving attempts (Ferraro and Kelley-Moore, 2001). Invoking God to cope with stress may reduce self-efficacy (Pargament, 1997). Conversely, for the personal empowerment thesis, religion and mastery are linked positively. Belief in an omnipotent supernatural being may increase human power and lessen uncertainty (Pargament, 1997). The fact that God is on their side does not lessen their sense of efficacy or mastery, wherein those who lack power may not need to rely on other kinds of self-efficacy (Jackson and Coursey, 1988). Along with religious beliefs, private religious practice can enhance a sense of stability and coherence. Praying is essential to creating a relationship with the divine (Demir, 2019). The relationship with God provides hope, control, and general peace (Ellison et al., 2012). Prayer can help people feel more valued and in control, as they are appreciated and helped by a divine force (Ellison, 1991). Personal prayer influences to reduce depressive symptoms and anxiety, as well as enhance self-esteem (Maltby et al., 1999). Furthermore, reading religious writings may help explain why religiousness is linked to higher levels of life satisfaction, in which readers may feel connected to the characters in the literature, especially if they share difficulties (Ellison, 1991). Individuals may also feel “less alone” in battling their challenges if they relate them to a biblical figure (Levin, 2008). Religious role-taking might provide ideas about how to behave and think to overcome challenges (Ellison et al., 2012). Therefore, the following prediction can be made:

The market economy, which is intrinsically connected to the mentality of the urbanites, forms materialistic value-orientation. Materialism is a state of mind that expresses an obsession with acquiring and spending (Rassuli and Hollander, 1986). It is the forming experiences of those who regard their belongings as an extension of themselves (Belk, 1985). To the materialist, possession is a goal of life, and they develop “Acquisition Centrality,” where “possessions assume a central place in life of a person and are believed to provide the greatest sources of satisfaction and dissatisfaction” (Belk, 1985; p. 291). Possessions have social significance not only through their utilitarian function in supporting daily life, but also as symbols of identity, personality, and self-expression (Dittmar and Pepper, 1994). Financial prosperity, admirable assets, the perfect impression made by consumer goods, and a high standing measured by the size of the wallet of an individual are all culturally sanctioned aspirations of materialistic values (Kasser et al., 2004). When materialism becomes a dominating normative value, people prioritize material comfort over core requirements such as social life quality or a sense of belongingness (Richins, 1994b). Profit, power, efficiency, and competitiveness have emerged as the primary motivators in the daily lives of people (Belk, 1985). The beliefs of an individual, their dedication to, and reverence of a divine are affected by materialistic value-orientation (Gallagher and Tierney, 2013). Materialism and Religiosity are two of the most incompatible yet dominating components of normative value-systems that are constantly in confrontation with each other (Masoom and Sarker, 2017a). It is found that religious individuals are less materialistic (Burroughs and Rindfleisch, 2002) because if religious people adopted materialistic principles, they would begin to perceive their lives as less meaningful (Dorn, 2014). Tangible objects are perceived as barriers to spiritual transcendence (Kavanaugh, 1997; Smith et al., 2003). However, religion remains a powerful factor in changing economic times and states of conflict, and it may have a major effect on materialistic value-orientation (Rakrachakarn et al., 2015). Therefore, the following hypothesis was proposed:

The quantity and nature of the possessions are one of the most noticeable ways in which people appear affluent (Dittmar, 1992). However, the materialists did not necessarily feel that they can regulate the outcomes of their life events; they may suffer from lower levels of well-being, spend money on a range of non-required purchases, have high debt, and low financial savings (Watson, 2003), problematic interpersonal relationships (Richins and Dawson, 1992), and high levels of substance use (Vansteenkiste et al., 2007). Materialists try to make up for their inability to achieve their desired self-esteem by emphasizing material accomplishment that eventually prevents them from concentrating on more intrinsically satisfactory goals. Arguably, the pursuit of material possessions is a self-defeating cycle (Richins, 1994a); when an individual buys something that has some materialistic values, it satisfies his or her desire. However, a new desire is spawned as he or she acclimatizes to it, and a more prestigious and thus potentially costlier purchase may now be needed to fulfill the desire. The desire will then be revived, and the self-defeating process repeats until the individual can no longer fulfill it or assumes a great deal of debt to do so. In either case, the leverage of the person over fulfilling the urge to benefit is gradually becoming weaker. A dependence on possessions to build self-worth solidifies the vulnerability of individuals to factors such as social acceptance (Kashdan and Breen, 2007); they often become reluctant to be in touch with negatively assessed thoughts and emotions, and thereby strive to escape circumstances. Besides, materialism was inversely linked to competence and autonomy, where these two constructs are linked to feelings of power (Eisenberger et al., 1999). Materialism was positively linked to negative feelings but was not linked to positive feelings (Kashdan and Breen, 2007). Hence, we can hypothesize the following:

The hypotheses mentioned above are tested in a recursive model in which the effects flow in one direction with no feedback loops, indicating that the effects are sometimes also the causes. The recursive model is estimated in structural equation modeling (SEM) by examining variances and covariances to find interrelationships among the four proposed latent variables. Besides, men and women differ by their perceived stress, sense of control, religiousness, and materialistic value-orientation. Several studies reported that compared with men, women experience higher levels of chronic and daily pressures (Culhane et al., 2001; Gentry et al., 2007; Anbumalar et al., 2017). It was found that compared with men, women view their interpersonal relations and life events were more controlled by external factors (Sherman et al., 1997). Regardless of the religious background, it was found that women were more religious than men (Schnabel, 2015; Masoom, 2020). Likewise, studies indicate that men are more likely than women to believe that having material possessions boosts their pleasure and allows them to express themselves more freely (Browne and Kaldenberg, 1997; Segal and Podoshen, 2013). Hence, we can hypothesize the following:

The proposed hypotheses are being tested in the context of Dhaka city, which is the city that is one of the most densely populated (23,234 inhabitants per km² in a gross surface of 300 km²) metropolises in the world. Approximately 75% of the residents are literate, about 23% are unemployed, and approximately 90% are Muslims and their life expectancy is nearly 71 years¹. Due to its historical significance, Dhaka can be considered a classic example of a metropolis. Once, it was the capital of the Mughal Empire, an administrative province of eastern India, and famous for its cotton industries. By the early 18th century, Dhaka had lost its status as the provincial capital, and by the second half of the 18th century, the city lost its position as a significant center of administration, commerce, and development (Ahmed and Islam, 2021). Dhaka became the capital of eastern Pakistan after the partition of India-Pakistan in 1947. After the liberation war of Bangladesh, the shape of Dhaka approached that of a conurbation in the late 1970s in the sense that its external growth began to connect with outlying suburbs (Bertuzzo, 2009). The expansion of the city from the 1980s onward meant filling up the adjacent empty spaces to meet the needs. The iconic parliament complex, palaces, mosques, temples, roads, bridges, gates, gardens, aqueducts, tanks, and modern markets are the pronounced features of the present Dhaka city. Here, the life of the ordinary people, commonly termed as middle-class, is non-eventful and invariably the same within the limited opportunities offered by the city (Lefebvre et al., 1996). Most of the residents are Muslims, and Islam is a faith that is presumed to have strong effects on Muslim culture (Kavoossi, 2000). The enforcement of religious rules and regulations in the legal structures of many Islamic countries has a clear and profound impact on the lifestyles and consumption habits of Muslims (Cyril De Run et al., 2010). For example, a study in Bangladesh showed that increasing materialistic values have a decreasing impact on the level of religiosity (Masoom and Sarker, 2017b).

The study intended to unveil some cognitive characteristics of the urban consumers by quantifying the four variables, which were perceived stress, sense of control, religiosity, and materialistic values. It was hypothesized that consumers with high perceived stress have a low sense of control (H1), while consumers with high religiosity have low perceived stress (H2), and religiosity and a sense of control have a considerable relationship (H3). It was also predicted that highly religious consumers have a low materialistic value orientation (H4), whereas consumers with high materialistic value orientation have a high degree of perceived stress (H5), and a low sense of control (H6). Finally, it was argued that compared with men, women are more religious, less materialistic, have less sense of control, and perceive a higher level of stress (H7). These hypotheses were tested in a single recursive model by formulating an SEM and by surveying 1,068 shoppers living in 10 different zones of Dhaka city, one of the most densely populated metropolises of the world. The results suggested perceived stress was significantly associated with the sense of control, while religiosity and materialistic value-orientation were negatively associated with each other. There were no significant relationships between religiosity and sense of control, as well as materialism and sense of control. Perceived stress and religiosity were found to be positively associated. While no significant difference was found in sense of control by gender, women were more religious, less materialistic but perceive their lives as more stressful than the men. Particularly, while there was no gender-wise difference in perceived self-efficacy, the perceived helplessness of women was higher than the men. The findings of the present research squared with a range of previously known bivariate associations.

The current study suggested that consumers with high perceived stress had a low sense of control, while religiosity has no significant associations with a sense of control, consumers with high perceived stress were highly religious. Similar findings were reported in previous studies. For instance, a high level of perceived stress led to a high degree of helplessness, which contributed to the association between the sense of control and perceived stress (Asberg and Renk, 2014). Failing to control the external social environment was also found to be an important contributor that could generate stress (Sadowski and Blackwell, 1985). While perceived control did not affect biological and subjective stress responses, the acute sense of powerlessness could increase stress by reducing perceived control (Bollini et al., 2004). Materialistic individuals are not less likely to encounter positive affective states than less materialistic individuals, but they are more likely to only experience stronger negative affective states. Likewise, materialistic individuals are also more likely to perceive a high degree of powerlessness, but not necessarily perceiving a low degree of control (Christopher et al., 2009). Perhaps the actual pursuit of possessions could lead to periodic benefits in feelings of perceived control and positive effect when possessions were originally acquired. Because of this, no significant association was found between materialism and perceived stress, and materialism and sense of control. It was found that highly materialistic consumers were less religious, wherein the differences in materialism were derived from differences in religious values and devotion (Wuthnow, 2002; Bryant-Davis and Wong, 2013). With economic growth leading to conspicuous consumption, the social value of religion decreases (McCleary and Barro, 2006).

The degree of sense of control, perceived stress, religiosity, and materialistic values differ by gender. First, women are made to feel powerless through informal cycles of power and powerlessness that influence the relative availability of opportunities and resources (Atkinson and Delamont, 1990). While gender affects the status of women and their access to decision-making power, it also affects the types of expectations, perceptions, and reactions to emotional displays that keep women from advancing and gaining power in their relationships (Ryan and Haslam, 2007). The emotions of women, such as compassion, kindness, and nurturing, have less interpersonal strength than the emotions of men, such as confidence and pride (Sinaceur and Tiedens, 2006; Overbeck et al., 2010). Those in positions of power can express emotions that increase their authority in professional relationships, perpetuating the cycle of gender power disparities in the workplace (cf. Gibson and Schroeder, 2002). Second, women are compelled by social relationships to be “submissive, meek, obedient, and caring,” qualities that are associated with higher degrees of religion (Mol, 1985). Religious participation is viewed as a household activity that is primarily carried out by the woman out of care for the well-being of a family (Glock et al., 1967). Women are more religious as a result of their lower participation in the workforce and more responsibility for the upbringing of their children. Moreover, women with lower labor force involvement not only have more time for religious activities but also have a personal identity, which may compensate for their lack of social influence (Luckmann, 1967). Rejecting religious ideas is risky behavior, and because women are exposed to more danger in almost every aspect of life, they are less inclined to engage in such behavior (Bromiley and Curley, 1992). Likewise, daughters are subjected to more parental monitoring in patriarchal societies, whereas sons are comparably free to engage in risky activities. Third, the self-monitoring characteristics of men make them more materialistic than women (Cass, 2001; Lim and O’Cass, 2001). While women are more interested in fashion than men, research shows that men are more interested in durable things like cars (Bloch, 1981). Men acquire instrumental and recreational items that enhance independence and activity on the spur of the moment (Dittmar et al., 1995). Women, on the other hand, purchase symbolic and self-expressive objects that represent their appearance and emotional elements (Dittmar et al., 1995). Men indicated more functional, instrumental, and activity-related reasons, whereas women gave more emotional and relationship-oriented reasons (Dittmar, 1989). Men report higher convenience and time-consciousness, whereas women report higher shopping delight, brand awareness, pricing awareness, and shopping confidence (Seock and Bailey, 2008). Therefore, men were found to have more acquisition centrality than women.

The findings of the present research contribute to the multidisciplinary approach toward interpreting social dilemmas and extend our understanding of consumer psychology. Besides its physiological and psychological effects, perceived stress influences consumer behavior in a variety of ways (Celuch and Showers, 1991). For instance, perceived stress can make consumers immobile or passive, which reduces their intention of purchasing products that previously felt as necessary (Torres and Nowson, 2007). Conversely, stress can lead to impulsive buying (O’Guinn and Faber, 1989), changes in brand preferences (Mathur et al., 2003); it can lead to the consumption of alcohol and drugs (Heatherton and Baumeister, 1991), or a high level of fatty food intake (Oliver et al., 2000), an increase in the frequency of comparison shopping behaviors (Anglin et al., 1994), or the number of unintentional purchases (Park et al., 1989). Considering that many stressful events result from external factors outside the control of the consumer, it leads to a low sense of control over the surroundings or the consequences of actions (Cutright, 2012). Loss of control has several behavioral implications, including compensatory behavior to regain control (Cutright et al., 2013). One such activity is ratifying religious commitment, which gives people a sense of power over a divine plan (Kay and Eibach, 2013). Religious beliefs, like superstitions, provide meaning to random events (Whitson and Galinsky, 2008). Thus, if stressful circumstances caused a sense of loss of control over the environment of an individual, consumers might respond by regaining control with their religious beliefs. Another type of compensatory behavior was consumers could use their financial resources to regain control in stressful situations. For instance, saving money gives one a sense of control because it ensures that money will be there when needed. Likewise, spending money on only essentials and not on non-necessities could provide a sense of control by making essential products readily available (Durante and Laran, 2016). With hoarding behavior, consumers may engage in behavior that could make them saving money to an unhealthy extreme (Klontz et al., 2012). However, when the sense of control of consumers was challenged, they could also seek comfort and control by amassing belongings (Hartl et al., 2005). These could be physical goods gained in the past or the present monetary possessions; this could lead them to the ideology of acquisition centrality (Richins, 1994b). Therefore, consumers could seek to restore control as a response to a stressful event by either religiosity or materialistic possessions.

There is no way but to agree that it is virtually impossible to pinpoint the coherent way of the metropolitan mental life of the consumers, but it is very much possible to outline the dynamic interplays among its essential aspects. The metropolitan mental lives of urban consumers can be expressed by the dynamic interplays among perceived stress, sense of control, materialistic value-orientation, and religiosity. While the research provides an account of the modes of experiences in terms of the reactions of the inner life to the external urban conditions, we should acknowledge the limitations as far as the external validity of the findings is concerned. First, the mall intercept was a less effective method of selecting the target population, although it benefited us to select the non-poor, non-disadvantaged solvent urban consumers in quick time. Particularly, the mall intercept was less useful if we were to collect the older aged respondents. Second, we were inclined to keep the response points as the established scales deliver, but a homogenous response category, be 5-point or 7-point, could have increased the internal validity of the research. Despite the limitations, we were inclined to believe that the research findings are valid as far as the general picture of the mental life of the urban consumers is concerned. What appears explicitly as dissociation in the metropolitan style of life was the dilemma faced by residents of the metropolis that centered on the self-schema they form. The research has portrayed the degree and the mixture of this style of life, the pace of its emergence and disappearance, and the forms in which the urban life was lived by the consumers in the Dhaka metropolis.

The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/Supplementary Material, further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author/s.

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by the Institute of Advanced Research (IAR), United International University, Dhaka, Bangladesh. The Ethics Committee waived the requirement of written informed consent for participation.

MM: study conception and design, data collection, analysis and interpretation of results, and draft manuscript preparation.

The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.