The current crisis and the persistence of vertical, horizontal, and financial segregation in the labor market have increased the number of unemployed people and revealed new inequalities (Torns and Recio, 2012) that particularly affect women’s unemployment. International Organizations, States, NGOs, and stakeholders develop intervention programs and actions to reduce the gender gap in the labor context. Despite these efforts, the results have not been satisfactory, and the gender gap is evident (Fridkin and Kenney, 2007), especially in unemployed women actively seeking employment and / or with precarious and unstable jobs (Nadasen, 2012). This situation indicates that there has been insufficient analysis of the actual dimensions of women’s access, preservation, and professional development in the workplace.

This study relies on an integrative concept of employability (Llinares et al., 2016), based on Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model (Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Bronfenbrenner and Morris, 2006), and placing an emphasis on its four components: proximal processes, biopsychological characteristics of a developing person, the parameters of the ecological context, and the temporal dimension. This framework is characterized by considering employability as a meta-competence, but also as a socially constructed historical category subject to socio-historical and institutional factors. Currently, the debate on employability involves the definition of its components (Rothwell et al., 2008), or the set of indicators (Llinares et al., 2016) that make it possible to identify the competences to be developed, the learning contents to be transmitted, and the elements to be evaluated (for example, Buchmann, 2002; Fugate et al., 2004; McQuaid and Lindsay, 2005). One of the most widely used classifications is the one described by Fugate et al. (2004), which considers three key dimensions of employability: professional identity, personal adaptability, and human capital. Professional identity refers to the work context and how to manage employment opportunities based on variables such as motivation. Motivation, according to McArdle et al. (2007), drives the job search activity. This motivation to active job search is interpreted from Hogan et al. (2013)’ model of employability as a willingness to hard work by employers, and then as an antecedent of employability. Personal adaptability refers to the willingness to learn, and human capital is focused on personal factors (e.g., age). This perspective links motivational aspects to the job search (McQuaid and Lindsay, 2005), as one of the four pillars of the European Employment Strategy (McQuaid et al., 2005). In this study, we will use the personal motivational variables relevant to job search processes. Thus, we will focus on variables that are clear precursors of the job search, the intention to search for a job, and job search behaviors, as well as gender differences in these variables, taking into account the gender differences and the heterogeneity of the group of women. The purpose is to investigate whether or not men and women have similar motivations and use similar behaviors to solve the unemployment situation.

Because women are one of the most vulnerable groups in accessing employment, individual differences and experiential trajectories are keys to distinguishing between the employed and the unemployed (Formichella and London, 2005; Weller, 2009). In addition, they can be combined with the concept of family in Spanish culture, characterized by an egalitarian family model in explicit dialogs, but based on the conviction that women should prioritize the family in everyday life (Fernández and Tobío, 2006). Thus, these two contradictory gender roles (Martínez et al., 2011) warrant more investigation about the gender gap (Lips, 2013), which as Allen et al. (2015) suggest, involves work-family conflict.

Currently, there has been considerable progress in the theoretical and empirical analysis of employment and family compatibility from different social science areas (Muffels et al., 2002). In 1983, Friedan analyzed the identity problems that arose when women with family responsibilities initiated a job and had to perform both tasks. Along these lines, some studies (e.g., Hakim, 2002; Grimshaw and Rubery, 2015) analyzed whether all women have a genuine choice between family and a job. Hakim (2005) analyzed family life styles and established three styles depending on the type of job conciliation preferences (Hakim’s preference theory): (a) Adaptive women: women who attempt some combination of employment and family without prioritizing either of them in an egalitarian family where both partners work and there is equity between the family roles. Adaptive women are the largest group among women who prefer occupations that facilitate a more even work–family balance than part-time work and temporary work; (b) Women whose lives are focused on their careers. Work-centered women are a minority; they focus on competitive activities, remain childless, and prioritize their jobs like men do; (c) Women whose attention is focused on the family and home. Family-centered women are also a minority, and they avoid paid work after marriage unless the family is experiencing financial problems. The Hakim (2006) results show that preference typologies were not evident in the past, but in today’s society they are present and show women’s heterogeneity. These preferences are linked to motivation (Leahy and Doughney, 2006), and as Koen et al. (2016) suggest, motivation is crucial in the use of exploratory job search strategies. Hakim (2005) pointed out that, unlike other nationalities, Spanish women show a preference for the third option because they are motivated to devote themselves to the family and household; thus, most women with children choose behaviors included in the third option. These data show the difficulty of balancing work and family (because there is a lack of regulation of the family-work balance), the gender effects on women’s access to the job market, and women’s social care role in the Spanish context. In this line of research, based on the aforementioned Hakim (2005) perspective and trying to understand divergent patterns of male–female employment, in this study we consider the family-job balance of men-women and whether the job conciliation preferences are the same for men and women. Thus, we intend to take a step forward in analyzing women’s employability and studying whether there are gender differences in motivation and job search behavior.

Motivational and behavioral approaches to the analysis of the job search process are two of the most widely used approaches by OECD employment services (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) (Escot and Fernández, 2013), and motivation enhancement is included in the effectiveness of job search intervention programs (Liu et al., 2014).

Motivation is the psychological process that promotes the behavior’s purpose and direction (Kreitner, 1995) and plays an important role in the job search process (Van Dam and Menting, 2012; Zimmerman et al., 2012). Moreover, Koen et al. (2016) pointed out, based on self-determination theory (SDT; Deci and Ryan, 1985, 2000; Gagné and Deci, 2005), that different types of job search motivations (from autonomous to controlled) impact job search behavior. Individual autonomous motivation is related to an intrinsic goal (Sheldon et al., 2003), whereas controlled motivation toward the goal has to do with the external environment (Sheldon and Elliot, 1998; Moran et al., 2012). Controlled motivation can be useful to explain the importance of the social context in job search behavior because complying with others’ demands involves external regulation (Vansteenkiste et al., 2004).

Motivational theories focus on explaining job-seeking behavior by using determinants of motivation. These theories have their origins in different fields of psychology. In a recent meta-analysis, Liu et al. (2014) pointed out that the opportunity to be employed was greater when the unemployed person participated in some type of training. Moreover, training was more effective when motivation techniques were used. In this context, some research has focused on the role motivation plays during the job search and in designing programs to improve job search success (Da Motta and Gabriel, 2016). Some of the elements outlined in cognitively oriented programs are (Aramburu, 2003): perceived control (Piqueras et al., 2016), attitudes (Kulik, 2001), the development of expectations of professional integration (eg., Feather, 1992), locus of control (Caliendo et al., 2015), and self-efficacy (McGee, 2015). These elements are described by the Theory of Planned Behavior (Ajzen, 1991), which has also been applied to job seeking (Fort et al., 2015).

Perceived control implies a belief in one’s ability to influence and develop the events that occur in life (Skinner, 1996). Increasing control can stimulate people to exercise control over their life events. Similarly, in a job search context, a greater perception of control over employment generates new job search intentions (Offerhaus, 2012; Caliendo et al., 2015) and stimulates the search for resources to avoid unemployment (Infurna et al., 2016). However, in the opposite direction, the loss of perceived control due to unemployment can cause damage to the human (skills) and social capital needed in the search for employment (Fugate et al., 2004). It can also generate feelings of helplessness and negative emotional states (for example, anxiety, stress, depression, for reviews, see Seligman, 1975), with negative consequences for work behavior (Lent et al., 1994, 2002; Wanberg et al., 2005) and a decrease in the active job search.

Expectations of socio-professional integration have usually been addressed as expectations of success (for a review of these models, see Feather, 1992). It refers to the subjective estimation of a person’s global possibilities of getting a job (Locke and Latham, 2002; Saks, 2006). The expectation of success is a good predictor of employment (Montilla, 2002; Piqueras et al., 2016) and, thus, of an active job search.

Locus of control is a perception about the influence of an event on behavior or on one’s relatively permanent personal characteristics (Rotter, 1966; Soriano and Lozano, 2006). This construct has also been widely studied in the context of unemployment (Caliendo et al., 2015; Cobb-Clark, 2015), and it is related to beliefs that getting a job will depend on one’s behavior. Hence, an unemployed person with an external locus of control will think that finding a job will depend on influential or powerful people or on luck or destiny (Rotter, 1966), whereas job seekers with an internal locus will consider that more effort leads to a higher probability of finding a job.

Self-efficacy is a person’s confidence in his/her ability to carry out a specific behavior (Bandura, 1986). In relation to a job search, the results obtained are inconsistent (Liu et al., 2014). However, Liu et al. (2014), in a meta-analytic study, showed that job search interventions are more effective when job search self-efficacy is developed, among other attributes.

Attitudes are the person’s evaluation of objects, events, and other people. Attitudes have been studied in job seeking (Fort et al., 2015) and, specifically, unemployment attitudes in job search (e.g., Kulik, 2000). However, the paths between the job search attitude and job search behavior are not congruent. To explain these discrepancies, some external and moderating variables have been proposed, such as the ethnic group (Van Hooft et al., 2004) and family situation (Van Hooft et al., 2005).

On the other hand, some research suggests that predictors and consequences of employment depend on the specific job search behaviors (Saks, 2006; Van Hoye et al., 2009). Job search behaviors are a self-regulatory and dynamic process that begins with the identification of an employment goal that activates job search behavior (Kanfer et al., 2001). In this process, Blau (1994) distinguished between preparatory and active job search behaviors. The sequential process begins with the preparatory phase; in this phase, individuals gather information about a potential job through, for example, job sites. Subsequently, job seekers begin active job search behavior (i.e., contacting employers).

Given that preparatory and active job search behavior is a stronger predictor of employment outcomes (Saks, 2006), the behavioral approach has mainly been developed in intervention programs. These programs are designed to increase and diversify job search behaviors (Stidham and Remley, 1992; Aramburu, 2003). Thus, we want to find out what actions are undertaken by unemployed people to find a job. Furthermore, previous literature reveals that behaviors differ according to gender roles (Van Hooft et al., 2006). For example, Eriksson and Lagerström (2012) showed gender differences in job searchers’ choice of search area and found that women were more restrictive than men in their choice of search area. In this line, Kunze and Troske (2015) studied gender differences in job search behavior over life-cycle and they found that job search behavior were different between men and women during childbearing years. These differences can be explained by gender role theory. This theory shows that gender differences in behavior are related to gender stereotypes, which lead to control over behavior and can influence decisions even without visible external pressure (Barbulescu and Bidwell, 2013). Even though some research points out these gender differences in job search behaviors, there is little direct evidence about the gender differences in job search behavior (Eriksson and Lagerström, 2012). This lack of interest of unemployed women (Kulik, 2000, 2001) has been explained by the prevailing assumption that the centrality of work is lower for women than for men (Kaufman and Fetters, 1980). According to the Role Theory Approach, a person’s behavior is strongly influenced by social norms and expectations of the role partners (Eagly, 1987). In this regard, through a socialization process (Kulik, 2001), the role of maintaining full responsibility for the children and household (Crosby, 1987) is emphasized in women, and the employee role is secondary (Eccles, 1987). Bianchi et al. (2000) reported that married women spend almost twice as much time on housework as married men do.

To study the motivational and behavioral aspects of the job search by gender, it is important to understand the gender gap in labor. However, there is a scarcity of studies investigating gender-based motivational and behavioral differences in the job search. It is important to fill this gap for several reasons. First, as mentioned above, previous research on the job search by gender has been carried out on these issues separately. Generally, these results and conclusions draw on an atomistic understanding. In order to avoid this, we need studies that examine the motivational and behavioral aspects of the job search together. Therefore, using Hakim’s preference theory, we argue that gender differences exist in the job search behavior, but not in the motivation for the job search. We believe that these behaviors are different in men and women because social images and stereotypes of traditional gender roles (López-Ibor et al., 2010) blame women for ‘family abandonment’ (Alberdi, 1999) or ‘defamilization’ (Rodríguez, 2011), and they view the woman’s job as a secondary economic source (Gómez, 2008).

Second, there is no unanimity in the results obtained. Some studies demonstrate that there are gender differences in motivational and behavioral aspects, and other do not. Some studies have showed that gender was not related to job search motivation (Vansteenkiste et al., 2005). Moreover, while previous studies (e.g., Kulik, 2000) showed evidence of gender-based differences in unemployment attitudes, in a later study Kulik (2001) proposed that there is a decrease in gender differences in unemployment attitudes currently in light of women’s changing career orientations. Other studies show that women are not more sensitive to social pressure than men and there are not important differences in job search behavior (e.g., Cross and Madson, 1997; Faberman et al., 2017). Kanfer et al.’s (2001) meta-analysis showed that gender has only a small influence on job search behavior; they show that men were more likely to engage in job seeking than women. In other hand, some studies have showed differences in the job search strategies (e.g., formal and informal strategies), job search intensity, job mobility, job preferences, … (Nicholson and West, 1988; Keith and McWilliams, 1999). Kulik (2001) suggested that educational level could explain these gender differences; thus, the higher educational level the less gender differences. Currently, the increase of educational level in Spain has changed the women’s job search. This educational development has changed the women’s career orientation and has brought them closer to man; in this sense, Kostal and Wiernik (2017), in a meta-analytic investigation about career orientations, showed slight gender differences in current career orientation. The rapprochement between men and women in educational level and their career development leads similarity in interest and motivations toward the job search. However, the women and men behavior are affected differently by households as it is explained above. Due to the social pressure, women are more likely than men to balance job search behavior with care responsibilities (Van Hooft et al., 2005). These perceptions of social pressure should be stronger predictors of behavior (Ajzen, 1991). Then, gender role affects job search behavior influenced by the perception of different gender social responsibilities (Martínez, 2006). Therefore, we hypothesize that Spanish women have the same work motivations as men in the active job search (hypothesis 1), but that there are gender differences in the job-seeking behavior. Women try to combine their work in the workplace and their work at home (hypothesis 2). In order to improve our understanding of gender differences in the job search hypothesized, it is necessary to study heterogeneity in the trajectories of unemployed women.

In the present study, and following Hakim (2001), in order to understand women’s job search, we assume that women are heterogeneous. Gender studies on employment/unemployment use sex as a variable to segment the sample (Suárez, 2004). They start from its conceptualization as a symbolic construct that contains attributes assigned to people based on gender. Thus, they analyze and explain the experiences of men and women from a relational perspective. Gender is used to legitimize inequalities in a neoliberal labor context where the variety of their determinations becomes invisible. These mechanisms linking work and family life have been identified, first, as a segregationist view and, second, as a concept of work-life boundaries (Santos, 2015), determinants that are combined in the formation of women’s identity and subjectivity. Therefore, using the elements of occupational segregation, and based on this new perspective on the nature of this continued diversity, the second objective of this paper is to examine the heterogeneity of the group of women in the motivational and behavioral aspects of their active job search. Several attributes may help to explain the women’s heterogeneity. Yerkes (2010) and Ayllón and Gábos (2017), among others, found effects of individual differences in educational level, marital status, and motherhood on women’s employment patterns. In relation to the educational level, there is a general conviction that the job search differs according to the level of people’s education. The increase in the educational level is related to changes in the traditional work role, giving greater value to work (Legazpe, 2015). In this regard, some research has shown that the educational level is related to women’s job decisions (Legazpe, 2015) and work behavior (Abdel-Mowla, 2011).

On the other hand, the relationship between women, work, and marriage is a controversial key issue. In the present study, child rearing and marital status are defined as family responsibility. The literature shows that childbearing and marital status have important consequences for women’s employment (Seager, 2000) and affect the job search (Van Hooft et al., 2005); for example, women usually leave their jobs (Hersch and Stratton, 1997) or restrict their job search to nearby areas under their control, even though they receive fewer job offers and lower employment and/or wages (Eriksson and Lagerström, 2012). Thus, women’s professional and work opportunities decrease (Gatrell, 2007, 2008; Haynes, 2008), which makes it possible to state that the gender gap in domestic work remains unchanged (Santos, 2015). Moreover, other authors have proposed age (Torns and Recio, 2012; Ming and Lin, 2013), perceived social benefits (Anker, 1997), and nationality (Adib and Guerrier, 2003; Motellón and López-Bazo, 2014) as being responsible for the differences in female employment. In this direction, Davia and Legazpe (2014) found that younger Spanish women have non-traditional work-home careers, whereas immigrant women in Spain have jobs that do not necessarily match their skills (Alonso-Villar and del Río, 2010). Therefore, this occupational segregation could affect the controlled motivation described by Deci and Ryan (2012), women’s attitudes and control in their job search, and their job search behaviors. In addition, based on gender role theory, employed women have a secondary economic role, and based on Hakim’s theory, they could have behavioral differences in the work–family conflict. Thus, women look for a job when there are economic problems in their family. Finally, when women weigh the social and economic benefits, they prefer to give priority to family life.

Taking these arguments into account and because research focused on heterogeneity women job search is very recent, we propose two exploratory hypothesis. We hypothesize that family responsibilities and educational level will show differences in the motivation for an active job search (hypothesis 3); however, there will be no differences in the active job search behavior (hypothesis 4) when controlling for age, nationality, and the social benefits received.

The advantage of the current study is that it proposes a model to integrate previous elements that have been studied separately and are relevant in explaining gender differences in the job search (motivational and behavioral aspects). This model has been tested in two samples: one sample composed of men and women and another one composed of only women. This has allowed us to corroborate the differences found and increase the knowledge about these differences. Future research could replicate the current findings in other vulnerability groups that, like women, can suffer the consequences of not considering their social context in their employability efforts.

Regarding motivational and behavioral job search by gender, some studies show no gender differences in the antecedents of job seeking (Van Hooft et al., 2005), and job search behavior varies between men and women (Kunze and Troske, 2015), as proposed by neoliberalism as well (Córdoba et al., 2013). Thus, the active job search by gender is not explained by motivational variables. Therefore, according to our results, personal resources are the strategy most preferred by women, in addition to some behaviors to balance the job search and family life (geographical mobility and labor flexibility). Our results showed that women used behaviors related to values associated with female differences and/or family cultures associated with their roles. In the current Spanish context, these asynchronies between motivation and behaviors are the traditional adscription of the household gender model (Beck-Gernsheim, 2003).

Our study can help to uncover the job search process in women and the mechanisms through which women have different behaviors from men. Our theoretical rationale and the results obtained point out that differences in behaviors are due to an attempt to balance work–family, as indicated by Hakim (2005). The consequences of maternity in women’s job search seem to be determined by the scarce redistribution of family responsibilities and the attribution to women of all the household responsibilities. This situation contributes to maintaining the women’s role (Bosch et al., 1999) and to lengthening their domestic role (Gartzia and Fetterolf, 2016). The assumptions of neoliberal politics have generated a model of the family where the State assumes that households must guarantee the members’ wellness. However, this is organized through the traditional division of roles (De la Cuesta and Bajo, 2006), where women have been incorporated into the labor market without a reduction in family tasks (childcare and care of other family members and housework).

Finally, in our study, the gender differences in job search behavior have been studied using a qualitative methodology. Our results approach the dimension of active job search proposed by Blau (1993); however, this dimension was evaluated with different multi-item behavioral measures. The contribution of the current study, using a free association test, is to broaden our knowledge of the job search gender gap. We hope our study contributes to enhancing the understanding of the perception and meaning of job search behavior. Future studies should also use this methodology to analyze the preparatory dimension proposed by Blau. Moreover, in relation to the job search behavior, the behaviors expressed in the free association test by women, and not by men, are related to controlled motivation (Deci and Ryan, 1985). In this context, it might be interesting to explore the linkage between autonomous and controlled motivation and job search behavior. In addition, the study of job search behavior with a free association test could be improved by studying the intensity and the effort people make. The information about behavior intensity has a positive relationship with the autonomous job search (Vansteenkiste et al., 2004), and people with high autonomous motivation could have better management of their job search behavior. Although intensity and effort have been related to employment (Van Hoye, 2013), effort assesses the amount of energy and time employed on job search behaviors, with no reference to a specific behavior. Therefore, studying the job search effort with a free association test could also improve the study of job search behavior.

In addition, our study is an initial empirical approach to a bioecological model of employability because it highlights the importance of the ecological context in the job search. We thought that research on a conceptual model of employability would help the research community to identify a useful framework and guide future research on employability (González-Romá et al., 2016). Considering this model, we have taken another step forward by applying it to studying the job search gap. The current labor system seems to be offering new job opportunities and economic autonomy to many women, but it assumes that the keys to success are personal resources, and people have internalized this idea. Nevertheless, this system deteriorates the access to and maintenance of employment, especially for women. The legitimizing discourse is based on women’s rights with an external view, but transversely it redefines these concepts in an individualistic manner related to the market, rather than as social and justice issues with the joint responsibility of societies, governments, and international institutions (Zabala, 2004). Moreover, the impact of neoliberal logic is highlighted, and it not only affects the economic sphere, but it also has repercussions in the social and culture spheres. The increasing fragmentation and individualization of collective actions produces a culture of the person that individualizes successes and failures related to the job world and does not pay attention to gender differences (Lechner, 1996). Therefore, our study adds new knowledge to the literature on gender in the job search, and future studies should analyze the interplay between individual-society to improve the understanding of the job search gap.

Second, regarding the heterogeneity of women, the present study found that there are motivational differences in women’s job search. Our findings show differences across educational levels and family responsibilities, as in Yerkes (2010). Then, university women without family responsibilities have higher unemployment attitudes when there is an interaction between university education and family responsibilities. We have used Hakim’s theory and role theory to explain this. In both frameworks, women’s heterogeneity is multi-causal, and we selected educational level and family responsibilities due to their connection with employability. Currently, a higher educational level in women has increased their knowledge and skills, producing changes in the job search (Choi et al., 2003). Carless and Arnup (2011) assert that the higher the women’s educational level, the more job search competences women have, and this affects motivational attributes. However, in the Spanish family culture (Flaquer, 2004; Moreno, 2010), women’s jobs are considered secondary, and they prefer jobs where they can balance work–family life (Gómez, 2008). This work-family role explains that there are no differences in job search behaviors among women.

The advantage of the current study is that it brings to light the gap in traditional gender roles. There are no individual differences or careers that discriminate between employed-unemployed woman (Formichella and London, 2005; García and Ibáñez, 2006). Women are solely responsible for their careers (Van der Heijde and Van der Heijden, 2006). However, some of them must increase their skills (Clarke, 2008), adaptability (McArdle et al., 2007), and proactivity (Fugate et al., 2004) in order to be employable. Thus, they must develop all those facets that make them more employable (Fugate et al., 2004), but the social context must address and reduce the gender gap.

In response to this situation, the ILO (2016) calls for efforts to manage the gender gap in access to employment. In this regard, our study has practical implications. Our findings suggest that women’s job search indicators are useful to analyze, explain, and propose psycho-social interventions. Two of the most important indicators are the educational level and work-family role. Liu et al. (2014), in a meta-analytic study, examined the effectiveness of job search interventions, and they found that programs are effective when they include improvements in job search skills, self-presentation, self-efficacy, proactivity, goal setting, and social support. Nevertheless, our results do not find behavior differences among women. In order to achieve employment success, intervention programs have to focus on training and changing behavior related to women’s social roles.

Furthermore, our results show that the gender role is present in social representations and warrants reflection by all stakeholders. It is important to build a harmonious, equitable, and inclusive job context. This process would have significant gender effects because it would develop a new cultural view of the balance between work–family life (Farah and Salazar, 2009).

In addition, our study has other implications; in order to find out whether programs and stakeholders’ reflections are effective, it is necessary to have information about job search outcomes. Thus, future studies should provide empirical evidence about the two-dimensional model of job search proposed by Saks et al. (2015) based on gender, in other words, job search behavior and job search outcomes. Job search outcomes have received little attention, and so more studies are needed (Lim et al., 2016).

Finally, the research on gender brings to light a work-family conflict, as Hoffman and Moon (2000) state. It shows that there are still invisible discrimination mechanisms that hinder women’s careers and leave them in a situation of inequality at work. Therefore, in this study we analyze this contradiction and point out that political issues lead women to conditions of inferiority and vulnerability (Farah and Salazar, 2009). Therefore, our results have important theoretical and practical implications at the political level. The gender gap needs public support (Johnston and Diekman, 2015); namely, the State must regulate and act to eliminate the gender gap, helping to develop effective intervention programs to employ women and promote gender equity.