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<journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">Front. Polit. Sci.</journal-id>
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<journal-title>Frontiers in Political Science</journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title abbrev-type="pubmed">Front. Polit. Sci.</abbrev-journal-title>
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<issn pub-type="epub">2673-3145</issn>
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<publisher-name>Frontiers Media S.A.</publisher-name>
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<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.3389/fpos.2026.1787040</article-id>
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<subj-group subj-group-type="heading">
<subject>Original Research</subject>
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</article-categories>
<title-group>
<article-title>Military expenditure and bilateral trade: evidence from China and the U.S. in the South China Sea (2000&#x2013;2024)</article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes">
<name>
<surname>Alkhawaldeh</surname>
<given-names>Ala</given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"/>
<xref ref-type="corresp" rid="c001"><sup>&#x002A;</sup></xref>
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<aff id="aff1"><institution>Jadara University</institution>, <city>Irbid</city>, <country country="jo">Jordan</country></aff>
<author-notes>
<corresp id="c001"><label>&#x002A;</label>Correspondence: Ala Alkhawaldeh, <email xlink:href="mailto:am.alkhawaldeh@jadara.edu.jo">am.alkhawaldeh@jadara.edu.jo</email></corresp>
</author-notes>
<pub-date publication-format="electronic" date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2026-02-24">
<day>24</day>
<month>02</month>
<year>2026</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date publication-format="electronic" date-type="collection">
<year>2026</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>8</volume>
<elocation-id>1787040</elocation-id>
<history>
<date date-type="received">
<day>13</day>
<month>01</month>
<year>2026</year>
</date>
<date date-type="rev-recd">
<day>28</day>
<month>01</month>
<year>2026</year>
</date>
<date date-type="accepted">
<day>30</day>
<month>01</month>
<year>2026</year>
</date>
</history>
<permissions>
<copyright-statement>Copyright &#x00A9; 2026 Alkhawaldeh.</copyright-statement>
<copyright-year>2026</copyright-year>
<copyright-holder>Alkhawaldeh</copyright-holder>
<license>
<ali:license_ref start_date="2026-02-24">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</ali:license_ref>
<license-p>This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the <ext-link ext-link-type="uri" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY)</ext-link>. The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.</license-p>
</license>
</permissions>
<abstract>
<p>This paper aims to analyze how military spending by China and the United States has affected bilateral trade between the two countries in the South China Sea over 2000&#x2013;2024, focusing on how regional tensions caused by the maritime conflicts and military activities have affected bilateral trade. The study adopted a quantitative methodology, which used the World Bank annual report and other official records, measuring military spending in US dollars and the bilateral trade between the two countries. The study sample included the whole period between 2000 and 2024. Data analysis was done using Eviews and an OLS ordinary least squares model to test the hypothesis on the effect of military expenditure on bilateral trade. These results showed that the Chinese military spending had no significant effects on bilateral trade, but the US military spending had a negative and significant effect. The study found that tensions in the regions and the weaponry policies largely affect business, hence the suitability of political and safety factors in the dynamics of bilateral trade in the South China Sea. In theory, the work can be added to our knowledge regarding the economic, political, and security dynamics because it draws our attention to the correlation between the military expenditures and bilateral trade through the prism of hegemonic stability and interdependence.</p>
</abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd>bilateral trade</kwd>
<kwd>Chinese military spending</kwd>
<kwd>OLS</kwd>
<kwd>South China Sea</kwd>
<kwd>US military spending</kwd>
</kwd-group>
<funding-group>
<funding-statement>The author(s) declared that financial support was received for this work and/or its publication. The author thanks Jadara University for its ongoing financial and motivational support for scientific research.</funding-statement>
</funding-group>
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<meta-name>section-at-acceptance</meta-name>
<meta-value>International Studies</meta-value>
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<body>
<sec sec-type="intro" id="sec1">
<title>Introduction</title>
<p>The South China Sea is a waterway that is highly important and sensitive in the current international system, as it transports over a third of all oceanic trade, including crude oil, natural gas, manufactured products, and raw materials that form an important part of the East Asian and global economy. The geopolitical and economic value of this strategic position has made it the center of the interlaced regional and international conflicts over sovereignty over islands and the territorial sea, as well as the competition over the region&#x2019;s rich marine resources. Due to this, any shift like security or military relations within this sea directly and indirectly impacts international trade and the stability of global supply chains (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref28">Khan and Khan, 2025</xref>).</p>
<p>Under this condition, China is emerging as an emerging power that is trying to gain its local and global influence through various means such as economic growth, engagement in international activities, and acquisition of military resources. This has seen it explode its defence budgets over the past decades, where Chinese military spending is often bigger in percentage than economic growth rates, and it is now the second largest military budget in the world after the United States. This has been attributed to increased military capabilities, which have been linked to strategic repositioning of China in the South China Sea, either by building artificial islands or increasing naval and air presence over disputed regions (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref38">Robertson, 2024</xref>). Conversely, the United States views the military presence in this area as being vital to maintaining the rules-based international order and protecting freedom of navigation, which underlies world trade. Over the decades, Washington has sought several options to enhance its presence in the South China Sea, among them the use of defense alliances with its neighbors, Japan and the Philippines, the patrol of the freedom of navigation, and the build-up of military weapons that it has installed in the Pacific. This clash of the Chinese aims and long-term American presence has transformed the sea into a battlefield of emerging strategic competition, and the elements of security and economic aspects are inseparable (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref43">Wu, 2020</xref>).</p>
<p>At the economic level, bilateral trade is regarded as a crucial sign of the effects of the military and political turmoil in the region. Increased geopolitical uncertainty among trading partners is likely to arise due to the growth of military presence and other activities associated with the defense in the area. However, the country&#x2019;s economic direction is highly based on foreign trade; some of them could prefer to find other shipping options or rethink those long-term obligations. Meanwhile, the US military presence growth cannot be seen as the stabilizing factor all the time; instead, it can instill fear among economic actors because of the threat of military build-up or the use of mutual economic sanctions (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref24">Htun, 2025</xref>).</p>
<p>The topicality of the investigation of the relationship between military expenditure and bilateral trade within the South China Sea is based not only on the theoretical aspects, but also on the practical outcomes witnessed in the international arena over the past years. For example, the COVID-19 pandemic demonstrated the vulnerability of the global supply chains, and the conflict between Russia and Ukraine demonstrated how armed conflict in a distant location can directly impact the oil and food markets worldwide. Consequently, any escalation of military tensions between China and the United States in the South China Sea can have far-reaching implications for the two countries and the global economy.</p>
<p>The fact that the topic is important is evidenced by the theoretical controversies that have attempted to elucidate the relationship between military expenditure and economic growth or global trade. Some studies that have been carried out under the hegemonic stability theory hypothesis on the stability of trade are of the view that availability of a superpower who is capable of enforcing security; however, proponents of other theories, most of whom are premised on the complex interdependence theory argue that more military expenditure can be counterproductive as it may result in the rise of tension and the lack of trust between trading partners. This theoretical debate has revealed how delicate the relationship between security and economy is, and it is important to conduct applied research in a delicate region such as the South China Sea.</p>
<p>Research: The gap in the scholarly literature is huge in direct quantitative analysis of the effect of military expenditure on bilateral trade in the South China Sea. Most studies have focused on the security and politics of maritime disputes, as well as the consequences of militarization to the region&#x2019;s stability. In the meantime, however, the relationship between economic indicators like bilateral trade and military expenditure has not been researched in detail, especially with the increasing Sino-US competition. Consequently, this paper will help to fill this gap through a quantitative method which utilizes new information and stringent statistical methods to determine how military expenditure in China and the United States affects bilateral trade.</p>
<p>It is likely that the study will contribute to the scholarly community as the researcher hopes that the study will shed light on the intricate processes that connect the military and economic aspects of the South China Sea. It is not only filled with theoretical theories on the effects of military spending but also intends to generate real information that will guide the decision-makers to determine the economic consequences of their security and military choices. It can also be used to strengthen intellectual and political arguments on whether to enhance defensive capability or maintain the circulation of international trade in the insecure regions.</p>
<p>Thus, the influence of both US and Chinese military expenditures on the bilateral trade between the countries in the South China Sea is a modern, multi-layered, and sophisticated topic that includes politics, economics, and international security. Real-life experience has shown that the strengthening of the military may sometimes lead to the opposite effect, disrupting the trade, increasing transportation and insurance costs and not helping to protect the economic interests and ensure the freedom of navigation as some might suppose. Therefore, this study aims at offering an in-depth study of the topic based on quantitative data and statistical models and relating findings to pertinent theoretical literature and past empirical studies. This helps to develop a better and more in-depth perspective of the interaction of security and the economy in one of the most critical areas on the planet.</p>
<p>The proposed study seeks to examine the relationship between the U.S and Chinese military spending and bilateral trade in the South China Sea in 2000&#x2013;2024. We are testing two hypotheses, the first one is that US military expenditure brings about changes in bilateral trade and the second one is that Chinese military expenditure brings about major changes in bilateral trade. The research methodological contribution to the literature is its quantitative data analysis using the ordinary least squares (OLS) model; the philosophical contribution of the research to the literature is its ability to correlate the findings with the hegemonic stability and the complicated interaction that underlies the relationship between the economic policy and the military power.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec2">
<title>Literature review</title>
<p>This section covers prior studies regarding the correlation between military expenditure and bilateral commerce, emphasizing the influence of large powers on regional conflicts. This analysis examines the influence of maritime disputes and defense strategies on regional and global trade, emphasizing key findings and insights pertinent to the South China Sea setting.</p>
<sec id="sec3">
<title>Literature review about Chinese military spending and bilateral trade</title>
<p>Research on Chinese military spending and bilateral commerce indicates intricate links between defense spending, economic progress, and foreign partnerships.</p>
<p>With the yuan going toward a new equilibrium that might be attained within 15&#x2013;40&#x202F;years, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref36">Podobnik et al. (2025)</xref> show that military spending explains foreign currency reserves better than GDP for Western currencies. According to <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">Ansah (2025)</xref>, commerce between China and India has been on the rise since 1991, especially during COVID-19. However, China has kept a trade surplus with India since 2011. The strategic location and infrastructure of Egypt, such as the Suez Canal, played a pivotal role in the dramatic rise of China-Egypt bilateral commerce between 1960 and 2022, as revealed by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">Abozaied et al. (2025)</xref>. As an alternative to military help from the United States and Russia, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref40">Sudreau et al. (2025)</xref> note that under Xi Jinping&#x2019;s leadership, Chinese military aid has shifted its focus to nations in Asia, Russia-Eurasia, and Sub-Saharan Africa that have smaller defense expenditures.</p>
<p>In his 2024 article, Dyah Sekar Arum examines the ways in which the rise of China&#x2019;s military and economy have affected regional power dynamics and the approaches taken by Indonesia in matters of foreign policy and national security (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">Arum, 2024</xref>). <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">Badawi (2024)</xref> delves into the geoeconomic and geostrategic reasons behind China&#x2019;s decision to create a military facility in Djibouti. The author explains how China&#x2019;s military presence benefits its economic interests in the Horn of Africa and bolsters the Maritime Silk Road component of the Belt and Road Initiative. The South China Sea maritime policy of Xi Jinping is the subject of Mayang <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">Agustin et al. (2024)</xref>, who analyze the president&#x2019;s efforts to militarize the region through the building of artificial islands and the expansion of military infrastructure, as well as his use of economic diplomacy through the Belt and Road Initiative to establish strategic dependencies. <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21">Heeks et al. (2024)</xref> examine China&#x2019;s digital expansion in the Global South and draw attention to the yearly trade and investment in the millions of dollars that significantly impact economic and social development. Keep in mind that China&#x2019;s comprehensive approach includes more than just this digital component.</p>
<p>The maritime plan by Xi Jinping militarizes the territorial claim fortification process by erecting artificial islands and strengthening military infrastructure. In the mean time, he is expanding his influence at sea through the Belt and Road Initiative that is employed to promote economic interdependence and establish strategic interdependence (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">Agustin et al., 2024</xref>). According to realists, the emergence of China has led to an increase in military strength by the neighboring states and the establishment of counterbalance alliances, thus raising the level of tension in the South China Sea (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref23">Hidayat et al., 2024</xref>). The scholars are striving to research and comprehend the changing issues of naval sovereignty and rights, and evaluate the Chinese naval operations through a legal, strategy, and military prism (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref30">Kumar, 2024</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">Bao, 2024</xref>). The complex nature of economic diplomacy, legal frameworks and projection of military force can be traced in various parts of the Chinese approach to the South China Sea.</p>
<p>Past research confirms beyond reasonable doubt that the Chinese military spending is inherently connected to the general strategic interests that do not limit to the economic factors but extend to the enhancement of maritime and commercial influence in the region and internationally. It has also been discovered that Beijing combines both hard and soft power in its quest to ensure trade routes and strengthen bilateral alliances by balancing both hard and soft power, which is evident in both the Belt and Road Initiative projects and its military ability enhancement. Such efforts are especially important when it comes to the South China Sea, as the maritime route is one of the most important strategic channels in the world and an important component in ensuring that bilateral trade continues with the United States and other key nations.</p>
<p>These analyses lead to the point that Chinese military spending does not limit itself to the simple strengthening of the defensive capacity. Rather, it is a tool to achieve a fait accompli in the maritime conflict zones and especially the South China Sea, through militarizing the islands and building of military facilities. Therefore, any consideration of the relationship between the Chinese military spending and bilateral trade should be placed into the context of maritime disputes and control over the shipping routes. The balance between maritime security and business development is the main parameter to understand the connections between the studied variables and make the South China Sea the most important geopolitical model to interpret the findings.</p>
<disp-quote>
<p><italic>H1</italic>: China's military expenditure substantially influences bilateral commerce with the United States, in the context of escalating tensions in the South China Sea.</p>
</disp-quote>
</sec>
<sec id="sec4">
<title>Literature review about United States of America military spending and bilateral trade</title>
<p>The literature offers different perspectives on the U.S. military spending and its relationship with bilateral trade and overall security matters. <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">Dhanak (2024)</xref> interprets the U.S. trade war with China through the prism of the semiconductor sector, assessing strategic efforts to hinder China in developing technical capabilities and analyzing diplomatic strategies to enhance trade relations. As <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref37">Radzi (2024)</xref> explains, increased military spending often results in weakened economic growth and reduced social well-being, particularly in middle- and low-income countries because the funds that could be used to support essential social services are redirected to the military spending. <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref27">Kaushal and Kashyap (2024)</xref> highlight the high cost of military infrastructure, which means that climate-related shortages at the U. S. Arctic facilities would continue to cost the country billions of dollars, thus the need to introduce sustainable military spending policies. According to <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">Duarte et al. (2024)</xref>, military potentials can empower food security projects, and it is possible to claim that military forces and research efforts can be used as a reference point to countries that expect a crisis on a global scale, which shows possible positive applications of military resources in other areas besides regular defense spending.</p>
<p><xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref35">Piatakov and Kodzoev (2023)</xref> explore the U.S. military-technical cooperation in Latin America, examining the dynamics of the weapons trade and the American military presence in the country through the prism of bases, joint exercises, and military training in the strategically important part of the world. <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref39">Smith (2022)</xref> provides some historical background, showing how the American military spending became increasingly unrelated to national security needs, which rather served as a tool to enrich particular constituencies, as the geographic changes took place between the Midwest and Southern states of the sunbelt. The article by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref27">Kaushal and Kashyap (2024)</xref> focuses on issue of infrastructure where two-thirds of 79 Arctic military locations in the US are unprepared to respond to the impact of climate change, which has already cost the country billions and requires the implementation of sustainable solutions. According to a comparative study provided by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9002">Stavytskyi et al. (2023)</xref>, Russia was the most militarized in terms of expecting and preparing to engage in conflict, although the U. S. maintained a steady pattern of defense spending similar to the EU, which highlights the importance of openness in military budgeting.</p>
<p>The South China Sea is a strategic point of conflict between the United States and China to engage in military disputes, which makes the region very vulnerable to security issues and global maritime trade. China claims the South China Sea in 90% of its territory with its so-called nine-dash line and actively militarizes it, including the creation of military bases on the artificial islands and reefs, especially in the Spratly Islands (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">Hendler and Motta, 2021</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">Cardenas, 2020</xref>). Such military presence compromises the existing maritime standards and puts at risk the accessibility of the important maritime communication channels (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">Cronin et al., 2012</xref>). The United States has a coordinated approach that includes diplomatic, informational, military, and economic actions, and the commands of USPACOM and USSTRATCOM are used to make sure that the safety of the maritime routes is guaranteed (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">Callahan, 2021</xref>). The strategic conflict that has created the rivalry is that the US feels threatened by China because of its regional military dominance, and China feels threatened by America because of its rise and national security ambitions (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">Cardenas, 2020</xref>). This dynamic has a significant impact on military spending and the security system of Southeast Asian countries (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">Hendler and Motta, 2021</xref>).</p>
<p>The US maintains a proactive military presence in the South China Sea to reduce the territorial intrusion of China and maintain freedom of navigation, where it carries out operations to curb the construction of artificial islands and arming the region by the Chinese (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref41">Tchantouridz&#x00E9;, 2025</xref>). The US support to the regional partners, such as the Philippines, includes military protection, diplomatic support, and statements of the international maritime law, which will safeguard the regional power balance against the Chinese hegemony (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref44">Zebua and Shiddiqy, 2025</xref>). As part of the 2022 Indo-Pacific Strategy, the United States has boosted military spending and formed new alliances including QUAD, AUKUS to counter the political, economic, and military actions of China, which has retaliated by increasing its defense spending and extending its operations in the region (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">Hassan and Ali, 2025</xref>). The studies indicate that the US military reduction of spending could significantly decrease the energy use of the Department of Defense, and declines result in more energy savings than growth in consumption (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref42">Thombs et al., 2025</xref>).</p>
<p>Studies conducted on the US military expenditure and bilateral trade reveal that the US does not use its defense budget as the sole mechanism of defending its interests within its borders and promoting the economy globally. Nevertheless, such military expenditure is also evident in the South China Sea. In order to compete strategically with china in this strategic maritime area, the United States is expediting its military spending on naval activities, consolidating allies in the region including the Philippines, and establishing alliances including the QUAD and AUKUS. Given the initiative by China to unilaterally seize the major waterways, such policies show that the correlation between military spending and trade is not restricted to only economics but also to the protection of the global business waterways and to the freedom of navigation.</p>
<p>The literature assumes that the military expenditure of the United States, though it is criticized on its effectiveness and its impact on the economy of the country, is a tactic in the control battle in the South China Sea. By creating a balance in the area militarily, Washington is betrayed to ensure that China does not grow and threatens the existing international maritime order. Due to such an approach, trade turns into an instrument of two-way pressure associated with security and military goals, altering the character of the relations between the two nations. The South China Sea, according to research, is not just a geopolitical hot spot but a meeting place of economic and security interests, where the military requirement of the United States meets its bigger business and strategic goals.</p>
<disp-quote>
<p><italic>H2</italic>: Increased US military expenditure results in fluctuations in bilateral trade within the South China Sea.</p>
</disp-quote>
</sec>
<sec id="sec5">
<title>Literature review about regional tensions or maritime disputes on international or regional trade</title>
<p>Regional tensions and maritime disputes profoundly affect international and regional trade through several mechanisms. Maritime disputes and geopolitical tensions undermine regional stability, impacting economic sectors such as tourism and incurring significant trade expenses (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref26">Kamaluddin and Seniwati, 2024</xref>). The economic ramifications of territorial and maritime disputes are significant, with possible trade losses in the South China Sea estimated between US$909.3 million and US$98.8 billion, while interrupted global supply chains might exacerbate effects on global growth for decades (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref32">Mendoza et al., 2019</xref>). Maritime piracy significantly impacts intra-regional trade volumes in Southeast Asia, posing a crucial security issue to regional economic integration (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref33">Morabito and Sergi, 2018</xref>). The key connection between the maritime performance and trade volumes is that when transportation networks are effectively built between regions, the positive influence of regional integration projects such as RCEP and improved connectivity of maritime transport on trade could occur (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">Chang et al., 2020</xref>).</p>
<p>In the Eastern Mediterranean, the aggressive maritime policy of Turkey led the region to unite in various ways to respond to disagreements, provoking evidence of how the change in the maritime force would deter foreign investment in maritime energy resources (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18">Feldman and Lifshits, 2025</xref>). The conflict in Ukraine continues to squeeze shippers worldwide due to the reduced grain supply and transport availability on the sea, as well as depriving traditional maritime workers in Russia and Ukraine (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref29">Kostadinov and Koritarov, 2025</xref>). Intraregional business within ASEAN and RCEP is negatively affected by territorial conflicts in the Asia-Pacific. The repercussions of trade wars vary according to the level of integration (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">Dyomina, 2025</xref>). Longer sailing durations, higher fuel consumption, higher operational expenses, and insurance premiums, as well as increased port congestion, have been caused by vessels rerouting from Red Sea passages to alternatives like the Cape of Good Hope due to the Israel-Gaza War (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">Ece and &#x00D6;zdemir, 2025</xref>).</p>
<p>Research shows that regional tensions and maritime related conflicts have a major effect on international trade, disrupting supply chains, increasing shipping and insurance rates, and reducing investments in the transportation and energy sectors. This underscores the importance of a steady maritime transport in ensuring smooth flow of international and local trade. The South China Sea is a good example of how maritime disputes affect bilateral and international trade interactions, especially in the circumstances of the current tensions between China, the United States, and their allies.</p>
</sec>
</sec>
<sec id="sec6">
<title>Study gap</title>
<p>According to the literature review, earlier literature has evaluated the Chinese and US military spending and its relationship with bilateral trade in various economic and strategic perspectives and also touched upon the role of regional tensions and maritime disputes on the stability of the international trade. However, most of these researches have been either generalized or focused on other areas without adequately addressing the military spending, sea wars and the regional politics of the two superpowers in the South China Sea. This study shows that Sino-US military competition, political and maritime disputes affect not only the balance of power in the region but also have an impact on trade routes and key maritime pathways.</p>
<p>This paper stands out by simultaneously analyzing the economic, political and military forces and relating both Chinese and US military spending to bilateral trade with the occurrence of regional tensions in the South China Sea. This association shows how the conflicts have influenced the freedom of movements, economic relationships and political choices in the region, as this has provided a gap in the current literature that has covered each of the characteristics separately rather than analyzing them as an analytical unit. This renders the study more important as it describes the interaction between military power, regional politics, and international trade.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec7">
<title>Theories related to the study</title>
<p>Realism theory stresses the importance of military power and national security in world politics. Anarchism is considered one of the fundamental attributes of the international order, which forces governments to enhance their military power to protect their security. This hypothesis is an example of how the struggle to dominate key sea routes increases the states&#x2019; military spending and, therefore, influences bilateral and regional trade. It has been indicated that the increased military spending can be directly associated with the perceived security issues, and it demonstrates how countries strive to expand their defense capabilities in the context of local misfortunes (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref31">Lim, 2016</xref>).</p>
<p>The international political economics theory considers the relationship between politics and economics within the international system and how military activities relate to economic and trade policies. China and the United States have been observed to have military tensions in the South China Sea that affect bilateral trade policies as the two countries look into using economic and military power to achieve their political goals. According to literature, these dynamics can change the flows of trade and investment, proving the military strategy&#x2019;s impact on the world economy (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">Fravel, 2011</xref>).</p>
<p>The theory of maritime power illustrates the importance of controlling key maritime sea lanes to enhance national power. The ownership of the waterways in the South China Sea is critical to international trade, which forces countries to increase their military presence in the region. It is argued that the development of military bases and the strengthening of military forces have become part of countries&#x2019; national policies to protect their interests in both economy and security in this vital area (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">Dutton, 2016</xref>).</p>
<p>The theory of regional security investigates how military crises between governments influence the general stability of the region. This theory shows the impact of the territorial differences in the South China Sea on collective security, which leads to changes in the trade and investment policies of the concerned states. According to literature, the above conflicts can lead to the formation of new alliances or the reconsideration of security and economic policies, which exemplifies the impact of regional security on trade dynamics (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">Berna, 2013</xref>).</p>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="methods" id="sec8">
<title>Methodology</title>
<p>The present paper examines how military spending by China and the United States affects bilateral trade in the current South China Sea tensions. The period between 2000 and 2024 was chosen due to the significant economic and military transformations that occurred during this period, as well as the aggravation of regional tensions.</p>
<p>This research is based on a quantitative analytical approach, making it easy to thoroughly study the cause-and-effect relationship among various variables and test the statistical hypothesis. The approach is suitable for quantifying the impact of military spending of China and the United States on the value of bilateral trade to examine the findings quantitatively.</p>
<p>The independent and dependent variables were gathered from credible sources. The World Bank and SIPRI database reports obtained military spending data from China and the United States. However, bilateral trade data of both countries were obtained from the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and the World Bank. All the data are normalized in United States dollars to ensure uniformity in analysis.</p>
<p>EViews software was used to test the data; the influence of the independent variables on bilateral commerce was determined using an ordinary least squares (OLS) model. The basic assumptions of the model such as normal distribution of residuals, the heteroscedasticity is zero, and the variables are not multi-collinear were also testified.</p>
<p>The purpose of the ordinary least squares (OLS) estimation in this research was not to prove a definitive long-term cause and effect connection. However, in light of the current geopolitical climate in the South China Sea, it is more useful as a linear approximation to investigate the short-run correlations between bilateral trade and military spending. The mixed integration orders of the variables should be taken into consideration so as to view the results as informative associations and not conclusive structural impacts.</p>
<p>To separate the security-related component of military spending from the overall picture of rising tensions in the South China Sea, this study uses a minimalist model specification. This omission of macroeconomic variables is intentional, despite the fact that they do influence bilateral commerce (especially in the aftermath of the 2018 trade war), including GDP, currency rates, and tariff regimes. The analytical emphasis would change from geopolitical signaling to more traditional trade determinants if these were included. However do our best to interpret the data with caution because we recognize that not including these factors is a limitation that could lead to omitted variable bias (<xref ref-type="table" rid="tab1">Table 1</xref>).</p>
<table-wrap position="float" id="tab1">
<label>Table 1</label>
<caption>
<p>Source data, by author.</p>
</caption>
<table frame="hsides" rules="groups">
<thead>
<tr>
<th align="left" valign="top">Variable</th>
<th align="left" valign="top">Definition</th>
<th align="left" valign="top">Data source</th>
<th align="left" valign="top">Variable type</th>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="middle">M China</td>
<td align="left" valign="middle">Military china spending</td>
<td align="left" valign="middle">WB, SIPRI</td>
<td align="left" valign="middle">Independent</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="middle">M USA</td>
<td align="left" valign="middle">Military USA spending</td>
<td align="left" valign="middle">WB, SIPRI</td>
<td align="left" valign="middle">Independent</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="middle">B T</td>
<td align="left" valign="middle">Bilateral trade</td>
<td align="left" valign="middle">WTO, WB</td>
<td align="left" valign="middle">Dependent</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
</table-wrap>
<p>The equation used in the study expresses the relationship between the variables as follows:</p>
<disp-formula id="E1">
<mml:math id="M1">
<mml:mtext mathvariant="italic">bilateral trade</mml:mtext>
<mml:mspace width="0.25em"/>
<mml:mi>t</mml:mi>
<mml:mo>=</mml:mo>
<mml:mi>&#x03B1;</mml:mi>
<mml:mo>+</mml:mo>
<mml:mi>&#x03B2;</mml:mi>
<mml:mn>1</mml:mn>
<mml:mtext mathvariant="italic">military china</mml:mtext>
<mml:mspace width="0.25em"/>
<mml:mi>t</mml:mi>
<mml:mo>+</mml:mo>
<mml:mi>&#x03B2;</mml:mi>
<mml:mn>2</mml:mn>
<mml:mspace width="0em"/>
<mml:mtext mathvariant="italic">military</mml:mtext>
<mml:mspace width="0.25em"/>
<mml:mi mathvariant="italic">usa</mml:mi>
<mml:mo>+</mml:mo>
<mml:mi mathvariant="italic">&#x03B5;t</mml:mi>
</mml:math>
</disp-formula>
<sec id="sec9">
<title>Jarque-Bera test</title>
<p>The Jarque-Bera (JB) test is another standard statistical test that checks whether the data is normal by looking at skewness and kurtosis values. <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref25">Jin et al. (2025)</xref> observed the importance of normality testing in financial econometrics when building robust ratio-typed tests to identify structural change of heavy-tailed time series data.</p>
<p>This is an environmental analysis of the Jarque-Bera test in <xref ref-type="table" rid="tab2">Table 2</xref>. The results of the Jarque-Bera test reveal that the three variables under study, including Chinese military spending, US military spending, and bilateral trade, are typically distributed sufficiently. The probability values for these variables were 0.2, 0.1, and 0.06, respectively, all exceeding the 0.05 significance level, indicating acceptance of the null hypothesis of no significant deviation from the normal distribution. The data utilized in the economic model satisfy a fundamental criterion for the application of the ordinary least squares (OLS) model, hence augmenting the dependability of the results and conclusions derived from the statistical analysis conducted with Eviews.</p>
<table-wrap position="float" id="tab2">
<label>Table 2</label>
<caption>
<p>Jarque-Bera test, by researcher, Eviews.</p>
</caption>
<table frame="hsides" rules="groups">
<thead>
<tr>
<th align="left" valign="top">Variable</th>
<th align="center" valign="top">China expenditure</th>
<th align="center" valign="top">USA expenditure</th>
<th align="center" valign="top">Bilateral trade</th>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">Probability</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.2</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.1</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.06</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
</table-wrap>
</sec>
<sec id="sec10">
<title>Unit root test</title>
<p>Unit root tests are important methods for determining stationarity in time series analysis across several domains. The Augmented Dickey-Fuller (ADF) and Phillips-Perron (PP) tests are popular classical methods for finding unit roots. Proper unit root testing is required for accurate econometric modeling, forecasting, and policy choices (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref34">Oprean-Stan, 2012</xref>).</p>
<p>The findings in <xref ref-type="table" rid="tab3">Table 3</xref> demonstrate that the Augmented Dickey&#x2013;Fuller (ADF) test reveals Chinese military expenditure is non-stationary at the level (Prob&#x202F;=&#x202F;0.9) but attains stationarity at the second difference (Prob&#x202F;=&#x202F;0.001), signifying that it is second-order integrated. Simultaneously, US military expenditure remains constant at this level (Prob&#x202F;=&#x202F;0.007), signifying zero-order integration. Bilateral trade exhibits non-stationarity at the level (Prob&#x202F;=&#x202F;0.5) but attains stationarity at the first differential (Prob&#x202F;=&#x202F;0.00), signifying that it is first-order integrated. The findings of the Phillips&#x2013;Perron (PP) test align closely with those of the ADF test, indicating that Chinese military expenditure is non-stationary at the level (Prob&#x202F;=&#x202F;0.9) and only stationary at the second difference, whereas US military expenditure is stationary at the level (Prob&#x202F;=&#x202F;0.009). Additionally, bilateral trade is non-stationary at the level (Prob&#x202F;=&#x202F;0.9) and stationary at the first difference (Prob&#x202F;=&#x202F;0.00).</p>
<table-wrap position="float" id="tab3">
<label>Table 3</label>
<caption>
<p>&#x201C;ADF&#x201D; and PP,&#x201D; unit root test results, by researcher, Eviews 12.</p>
</caption>
<table frame="hsides" rules="groups">
<thead>
<tr>
<th align="left" valign="top" rowspan="3">Variable</th>
<th align="center" valign="top" colspan="3">ADF</th>
</tr>
<tr>
<th align="center" valign="top"><bold>Level</bold></th>
<th align="center" valign="top"><bold>1st difference</bold></th>
<th align="center" valign="top"><bold>2nd difference</bold></th>
</tr>
<tr>
<th align="center" valign="top">Prop</th>
<th align="center" valign="top">Prop</th>
<th align="center" valign="top">Prop</th>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">China expenditure</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">0.9</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">0.1</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.001</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">USA expenditure</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">0.007</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">0.000</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.000</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bilateral trade</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">0.5</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">0.00</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.000</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<table frame="hsides" rules="groups">
<thead>
<tr>
<th align="left" valign="top" rowspan="3">Variable</th>
<th align="center" valign="top" colspan="3">PP</th>
</tr>
<tr>
<th align="center" valign="top">Level</th>
<th align="center" valign="top">1st difference</th>
<th>2nd difference</th>
</tr>
<tr>
<th align="center" valign="top">Prop</th>
<th align="center" valign="top">Prop</th>
<th>Prop</th>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">China expenditure</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">0.9</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">0.1</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.000</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">USA expenditure</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">0.009</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">0.000</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.000</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bilateral trade</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">0.9</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">0.000</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.000</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
</table-wrap>
<p>Consequently, it can be inferred that the variables examined demonstrate varying levels of integration: Chinese military expenditure is second-order integrated (I(2)), US military expenditure is zero-order integrated (I(0)), and bilateral trade is first-order integrated (I(1)). The variation in stability necessitates prudence in selecting a standard model, as it may necessitate employing methods suitable for addressing variables integrated at disparate levels, such as cointegration tests, to guarantee the absence of false linkages within the model.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec11">
<title>Cointegration analysis</title>
<p>Recent study indicates the broad use of cointegration analysis in a variety of economic scenarios. <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">Cedillo-Chalaco et al. (2025)</xref> used Johansen cointegration and Error Correction Models to show a favorable long-term association between logistics investment and Ecuador&#x2019;s trade success.</p>
<p>The findings of the Johansen cointegration test presented in <xref ref-type="table" rid="tab4">Table 4</xref> demonstrate the existence of multiple long-term cointegration relationships among the examined variables (Chinese military expenditure, US military expenditure, and bilateral trade). The trace statistic, derived from the null hypothesis of absent cointegration, produced a value of 42.0, exceeding the crucial value of 29.7 at a 5% significance level. This results in the rejection of the null hypothesis and the affirmation of the presence of at least one cointegration connection. The test, predicated on the &#x201C;At most 1&#x201D; hypothesis, produced a value of 16.5, exceeding the critical value of 15.4, so signifying the existence of a second cointegration vector. According to the &#x201C;At most 2&#x201D; hypothesis, the statistic value (0.15) did not above the critical value of 3.8, signifying the existence of just two cointegration relationships.</p>
<table-wrap position="float" id="tab4">
<label>Table 4</label>
<caption>
<p>Johansson Cointegration test, by researcher, Eviews.</p>
</caption>
<table frame="hsides" rules="groups">
<thead>
<tr>
<th align="left" valign="top">Trace statistic</th>
<th align="center" valign="top">Critical value sig level&#x202F;=&#x202F;0.05</th>
<th align="left" valign="top">Hypothesized no. of CE(s)</th>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">42.0</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">29.7</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Non&#x002A;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">16.5</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">15.4</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">At most 1&#x002A;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">0.15</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">3.8</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">At most 2</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<table-wrap-foot>
<p>&#x002A;Denotes rejection of the hypothesis at the 0.05 level.</p>
</table-wrap-foot>
</table-wrap>
<p>The findings indicate that the three variables are co-moving in the long-run and maintain a constant equilibrium relationship. This implies that there exists a structural relationship between military spending by both China and the United States and the size of bilateral trade between the two countries, even though there are uneasy relationships in the South China Sea.</p>
<p>Johansen cointegration test is usually applied to examine variables, which are integrated to the same level, but, however, did not provide conclusive evidence of equilibrium relationships, the findings in this study are manifested as indicating the long-run co-movement. The outcomes of the cointegration analysis are viewed with a grain of salt and are designed to support not to dominate the entire empirical research due to the presence of variables with mixed integration order, particularly I(2).</p>
</sec>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="results" id="sec12">
<title>Result</title>
<p>After using the &#x201C;OLS&#x201D; method to estimate the parameters of the standard model in &#x201C;Eviews 12,&#x201D; the following results were obtained:</p>
<p>The results of the linear regression model in <xref ref-type="table" rid="tab5">Table 5</xref> that was estimated using OLS shows that the value of the constant is (2.21) which is statistically significant at the level of 0.001 meaning that bilateral trade has a positive intrinsic value regardless of the effects of the independent variables. The results obtained on the military spending of the Chinese showed a coefficient of 0.42; however, it was not significant at 5% level, and its <italic>p</italic>-value was 0.27 indicating that there was not sufficient evidence to support the direct impact of this variable within the model. On the other hand, the US military spending coefficient was negative with the value of (&#x2212;0.32) and significant at the (0.002) level indicating that the variable has a clear effect on bilateral trade in the model that was estimated.</p>
<table-wrap position="float" id="tab5">
<label>Table 5</label>
<caption>
<p>OLS results.</p>
</caption>
<table frame="hsides" rules="groups">
<thead>
<tr>
<th align="left" valign="top">Variable</th>
<th align="center" valign="top">Coefficient</th>
<th align="center" valign="top">S.E</th>
<th align="center" valign="top"><italic>T</italic>-statistics</th>
<th align="center" valign="top"><italic>P</italic>-value</th>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">Constant</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">2.21</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.6</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">3.60</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.001</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">China expenditure</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.42</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.38</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">1.1</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.27</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">USA expenditure</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">&#x2212;0.32</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.09</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">&#x2212;3.4</td>
<td align="char" valign="top" char=".">0.002</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<table-wrap-foot>
<p><italic>R</italic>-squared&#x202F;=&#x202F;0.59, Adj <italic>R</italic>-squared&#x202F;=&#x202F;0.53 prop&#x202F;=&#x202F;0.00, DW&#x202F;=&#x202F;2.02. At the level of 5%.</p>
</table-wrap-foot>
</table-wrap>
<p>The outcomes of the model efficiency suggested that the value of R-squared was 0.59, which implied that military spending of both China and the United States explained approximately 59 percent of the variation in bilateral trade. Adjusted coefficient of determination (Adj R-squared) stood at 0.53 which showed the strength of the model. F-statistic is used to indicate the level of importance of the entire model at the 5 percent level since the <italic>p</italic>-value of F is 0.00. The value of Durbin-Watson was 2.02 indicating there was no severe problem of autocorrelation among the variables.</p>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="discussion" id="sec13">
<title>Discussion</title>
<p>The results of the ordinary least squares model (OLS) show that the Chinese military expenditure did not have a significant influence on the bilateral trade in the South China Sea because the <italic>p</italic>-value of 0.27 shows that this value is not statistically significant. This conclusion is in line with certain studies that indicate that military expenditure does not always have a direct correlation to having direct effect on the economy and augmented trade. Nevertheless, in other instances, it may instill fear in other players in the trade, and this is exactly what <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref33">Morabito and Sergi (2018)</xref> did in their research on the effects of piracy and tensions in the maritime industry on the local trade. This can be said to agree with the results of <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">Dyomina (2025)</xref> who states that the maritime disputes in the Asia-Pacific do not support integration of trade in the region despite the high rates of military spending.</p>
<p>The results indicated that US military expenditure negatively and significantly influenced bilateral trade since the <italic>p</italic>-value of the effect was 0.002, which is lower than the 5% level of significance. This agrees with the thesis of <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref32">Mendoza et al. (2019)</xref> who discovered that some of the tensions generated by the presence of the US military in war zones could result in a substantial economic cost and undermine the global supply chains. The results confirm the conclusions of <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref29">Kostadinov and Koritarov (2025)</xref> who stated that military conflicts interfere with the sea shipping and adversely affect international trade. Nonetheless, This observation conflicts with certain studies, such as <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">Chang et al. (2020)</xref>, who assumed that the building of the marine security capacity might enhance the maritime transport networks and, thus, the level of trade. This shows the extent of the variance in the decisions on the effects of military spending in different geographic and political contexts.</p>
<p>Theoretically, the results agree with the hegemonic stability theory&#x2019;s assumption that militarization of conflict areas will not necessarily lead to economic or business stability, but the opposite, because of increased tension. Such conclusions are consistent with the principles of the so-called complex interdependence theory, according to which economic relations cannot be defined outside political and security factors, meaning that the advantages of trade integration can be impaired by maritime conflicts and tensions even within the framework of the already developed economic relationships.</p>
<p>The results supported the idea that US military spending negatively impacts bilateral trading between the countries in the region. The hypothesis on the positive impact of Chinese military spending was not supported because this variable was not significant. This conflict highlights the need to draw the line between the actions of different foreign powers in the South China Sea. The response of the US military might lead to some restrictions on trade, yet Chinese spending is not always associated with promoting commercial benefits.</p>
<p>The constrained Effect of Chinese military expenditure on bilateral trade. According to the results of the study, it is observed that Chinese military expenditure has not affected bilateral trade in the South China Sea in a significant way. It may be explained by the fact that despite the fact that China has enhanced its military forces, it has not demonstrated the seriousness to alter its trade policies or even impose limitations on its trading partners. <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9001">Hasanov et al. (2025)</xref> states that with the growth of military spending, no changes in trade or economic policies are always guaranteed, the money may be allocated to defense or other strategic priorities.</p>
<p>During the study period, China&#x2019;s defense expenditures did not appear to have sent signals that disrupted commerce, as the effect of this spending was not statistically significant. This result can be attributed to China&#x2019;s ongoing commitment to economic integration, growth driven by exports, and stability in its supply chain. These could have minimized ill will among counterparts of trade. The perception of Chinese military spending as defensive or locally contained keeps its direct impact on bilateral trade flows to a minimum, in contrast to the externally projected military spending of the United States, which can heighten perceived geopolitical risk.</p>
<p>Conversely, it was found that the negative and significant influence of the US military expenditure on the bilateral trade was also negative. This can be attributed to the heightened tensions in the region owing to the presence of the US military in the South China Sea that perhaps led to the reduction in the degree of trust of trading partners. Research has shown that the presence of the US military in war-ridden areas can cause business and supply chain disruptions. According to <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref32">Mendoza et al. (2019)</xref>, the US military tensions in war zones may result in the massive loss of commerce and supply chains on the global scale.</p>
<p>The existence of regional tensions in the South China Sea, due to the maritime conflicts and the military action, can negatively impact trade between the affected countries. According to <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">Dyomina (2025)</xref>, maritime conflicts in the Asia-Pacific impede integration of the region in terms of commerce despite the significant military spending. This suggests that political and security issues can play a greater role in business than purely economic factors.</p>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="conclusions" id="sec14">
<title>Conclusion</title>
<p>This paper aims to investigate the effect of the military spending of China and the United States on bilateral trade in the South China Sea between 2000 and 2024 using an OLS model. The results support the claims that Chinese military spending had a minimal effect on bilateral trade, and US military spending had a harmful and considerable effect on the trading volume. These results are inherently analyzed in the context of the tensions in the South China Sea region because military actions destroy the trust between trading partners and destabilize supply chains. The results indicate that politics and security factors can substantially impact trade more than purely economic factors and theories of hegemonic stability and complex interdependence.</p>
<p>The results show that great nations&#x2019; military policies do not always directly impact trade; however, their impact depends on the situation in the region and political risks. The paper reiterates the importance of analysing the South China Sea as a case study that can illustrate how military tensions may undermine the economic gains, even though trading relations between countries are strong.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec15">
<title>Recommendations and contribution</title>
<p>This work addresses a significant vacuum in the literature about the correlation between military expenditure and bilateral commerce, primarily within the context of the South China Sea, as prior research has not directly examined this relationship. This study examines the military expenditures of China and the United States, correlating them with bilateral commerce in this crucial region, thereby elucidating the impact of major countries&#x2019; defence policies on regional and worldwide trade dynamics. The study offers quantitative evidence through the OLS model, facilitating the interpretation of results and their comparison with established hypotheses and theories, including hegemonic stability theory and complex interdependence theory, which connect economic, political, and security dimensions.</p>
<p>The research offers significant recommendations for regional decision-makers and the principal powers engaged. Strengthening regional cooperation structures and shared governance is crucial for mitigating military tensions, safeguarding marine trade and supply lines, and fostering regional economic stability. Major nations are advised to implement military policies that account for potential economic and trade repercussions and to strive to alleviate tensions that may obstruct trade activities. The study also suggests that future research should incorporate additional variables, including geopolitical risks, maritime insurance, and oil price fluctuations, to deliver a more thorough and precise analysis of the factors affecting bilateral trade in the South China Sea.</p>
</sec>
</body>
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<fn-group>
<fn fn-type="custom" custom-type="edited-by" id="fn0001">
<p>Edited by: <ext-link ext-link-type="uri" xlink:href="https://loop.frontiersin.org/people/2709848/overview">Simant Shankar Bharti</ext-link>, VIZJA University, Poland</p>
</fn>
<fn fn-type="custom" custom-type="reviewed-by" id="fn0002">
<p>Reviewed by: <ext-link ext-link-type="uri" xlink:href="https://loop.frontiersin.org/people/1696754/overview">Jian Hu</ext-link>, Tianjin University of Finance and Economics, China</p>
<p><ext-link ext-link-type="uri" xlink:href="https://loop.frontiersin.org/people/2169246/overview">Dimitrios Dimitriou</ext-link>, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece</p>
</fn>
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