Human capital theory provides a fundamental understanding of the role of education, skills development, and training in enhancing individuals’ productivity and economic value in the labor market. First formulated by Becker (1964) and Schultz (1961), the theory views knowledge, skills, and abilities as forms of capital accumulated through conscious investment in education, vocational training, and work experience. These investments increase labor productivity, raise wages, create employment opportunities, and enhance overall economic mobility (Barro, 2013). In the context of labor migration, human capital development is particularly important, as migrants often face structural disadvantages, skills mismatches, and limited training opportunities in their host country (Chiswick and Miller, 2007). From a human capital perspective, targeted training, such as vocational skills development, language training, digital literacy programs, and skills-based certifications, is considered a strategic investment that enhances migrant workers’ productivity, competitiveness, and mobility toward higher-value employment (Becker, 1993; Sweetland, 1996).

This study extends traditional human capital theory by examining three context-specific characteristics that call for theoretical adjustments. Firstly, the environment of conflict and human capital formation. The southern border provinces of Thailand face persistent security challenges that fundamentally alter the dynamics of human capital accumulation, unlike the stable economic environments where traditional theories apply. Conflict-affected areas have experienced limited local investment opportunities, thus reducing the return on education (International Crisis Group, 2017); The interruption of educational infrastructure hindered the establishment of early human capital; At the same time, uncertainty causes high risks in employment decision-making and psychological obstacles to skill investment; These conditions require a reinterpretation of human capital investment-not only to improve productivity, but also to reduce conflicts; Overseas job opportunities are an option to avoid domestic economic stagnation, while remittances create peace benefits through families (Collier and Hoeffler, 2004; Justino, 2012).

Secondly, Informal Labor Markets and Skill Transferability, traditional human capital theory emphasizes formal educational qualifications and certified skills. However, labor migration in Southeast Asia largely occurs through informal channels, where skill recognition arises from demonstrably proven competence rather than formal certification; training occurs through apprenticeships and on-the-job learning; wages reflect bargaining power and network access, along with skill level; and legal status significantly impacts human capital returns (Lindquist et al., 2012). This informality requires an expanded theoretical framework to incorporate “practical human capital,” skills demonstrated through performance but lacking formal certification (Hall, 2011). The training program proposed in this research addresses this gap through a certification system that provides formal recognition of practical competence.

Thirdly, Asymmetric Bilateral Relations and Bargaining Power. Labor migration between Thailand and Malaysia occurs under unbalanced power relations due to the following factors: Regulations in the destination country unilaterally dictate the working conditions of migrant workers; the bargaining power of the source country remains limited, even as a labor supplier; individual migrant workers lack collective bargaining mechanisms; and information imbalances favor employers and intermediaries. These power imbalances mean that investment in human capital may not fully translate into increased wages if institutional frameworks do not adequately protect workers’ rights (Ruhs and Martin, 2008). Therefore, effective skills development requires complementary institutional reforms to address these power imbalances, which the IMT-GT framework can facilitate through its multilateral governance structure.

This study demonstrates that the predictability of human capital theory—measurable returns on systemic skill investments—is evident even in the challenging context of conflict, informality, and power imbalances, but institutional reinforcement is required. Specifically, skills training must be integrated with certification mechanisms that connect the formal and informal sectors—the IMT-GT regional governance framework providing the institutional infrastructure to generate returns on human capital investments. Migration strategies for human capital accumulation and local opportunities remain crucial under the constraints of conflict.

Regional labor mobility frameworks demonstrate differing institutional designs to address similar challenges in skills development, labor protection, and economic integration. The ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) Agreement on Free Movement allows citizens to enter, reside, and establish businesses in member states. This framework is characterized by a gradual transition from visa exemptions to the right to establish businesses, limited success due to weak enforcement and persistent informal migration, minimal requirements for skills certification or training coordination, and an emphasis on political integration rather than economic labor management (Adepoju et al., 2010).

The MERCOSUR group in South America has developed a Residence Agreement (2002) to facilitate labor mobility within the region, including the following measures: nationals of member states are granted temporary residence rights for 2 years based solely on their nationality. There are established pathways that allow individuals to obtain permanent residence. The agreement upholds the principles of equal treatment in working conditions for all residents. However, the agreement still faces implementation challenges and offers limited scope for skill development (Acosta and Freier, 2015).

Compared to ECOWAS and MERCOSUR, the IMT-GT cooperation framework has the following distinctive features. The framework focuses on economically underdeveloped border regions at the sub-regional level rather than on entire countries. It uses sector-specific approaches that enable targeted intervention, such as in palm oil, tourism, and halal products. The primary focus is on prioritizing economic development over political integration. The framework allows for flexible implementation, including bilateral agreements within the tripartite cooperation framework. It also explicitly integrates skills development and training coordination into its work plan. However, the IMT-GT cooperation framework also has limitations. It lacks binding legal frameworks compared to ECOWAS protocols. There has been limited progress in achieving mutual skill certification. The framework primarily focuses on the movement of highly skilled labor, neglecting semi-skilled and low-skilled workers. It also relies heavily on national political will for implementation. This comparative analysis reveals that successful regional labor mobility requires balancing comprehensiveness with implementability. ECOWAS’s ambitious free movement remains largely unimplemented, while MERCOSUR achieved greater practical progress through more modest, enforceable commitments. IMT-GT’s sector-specific, subregional approach offers a pragmatic middle ground potentially applicable to palm oil labor migration.

Understanding the role of IMT-GT in labor migration requires consideration within the broader context of migration governance theory, particularly the concepts of multi-level governance (Jurje and Lavenex, 2014), informal institutions, and policy diffusion. Migration governance operates at multiple levels: global (ILO Conventions), regional (ASEAN), sub-regional (IMT-GT), bilateral (Thailand-Malaysia Memorandum of Understanding), and local (provincial-level implementation). Scholten (2020) states that effective migration governance requires coordination at these various levels, each addressing different challenges. At the global level, normative principles and standards are established. At the regional level, framework agreements and political obligations are formed. At the sub-regional level, context-based implementation mechanisms are adopted. At the bilateral level, specific implementation procedures are determined. At the local level, service provision and integration are carried out.

IMT-GT as a “Linking Institution Beyond Multilevel Governance.” Although the literature on multilevel governance (Hooghe and Marks, 2003; Scholten, 2020) identifies challenges in vertical coordination, there is a lack of theory on the necessary horizontal and vertical linkages within a fragmented migration system. This research therefore presents the concept of a “linking institution,” an intermediate structure serving three distinct functions absent in both regional frameworks and bilateral agreements: Vertical translation: Translating abstract ASEAN obligations into sector-specific protocols (e.g., palm oil labor standards) without formal treaty amendments; Horizontal coordination: Facilitating the dissemination of trilateral policies in cases where bilateral agreements create regulatory fragmentation (Thailand-Malaysia MOU 2003, 2013 versus Indonesia-Malaysia Agreement); Experimental governance: Enabling pilot projects (certification systems, training modules) with less political risk than ASEAN-level reforms, creating a “regulatory testing ground” for innovation (Sabel and Zeitlin, 2012).

Unlike Rüland’s (2014) “informal institutionalism,” which emphasizes process flexibility, the linkage institutional framework prioritizes functional positioning—strategic occupancy of governance gaps. This is important because regional frameworks (ASEAN) create norms but lack enforcement; bilateral agreements provide enforcement but create disunity; linkage institutions (IMT-GT) enable coordinated action without relying on supranational authority. Recent research on migration adaptation Zetter and Ruaudel (2016) and Betts et al. (2022) show that migration governance in vulnerable contexts requires “adaptive institutions” capable of responding to fluctuating security, economic, and demographic changes. The informal structure of the IMT-GT enables adaptability—such as adapting training content to the changing needs of the palm oil industry or to security conditions in southern Thailand—which is impossible under rigid bilateral treaties.

Recent research has adapted a new concept of migration from conflict zones, not just displacement, but as an adaptive lifestyle strategy (Black et al., 2011; McLeman, 2018). This perspective is consistent with the “migration for adaptation” framework that has emerged from climate and conflict studies. Gemenne and Blocher (2017) and Adger et al. (2020), which states “Migration for adaptation” involves purposeful mobility to distribute sources of income and reduce the vulnerability of households. Skills investment becomes adaptability—training increases flexibility in dealing with an uncertain labor market. Remittances serve as a recovery mechanism—transferring resources to conflict-affected households while maintaining local relationships. In the context of Southern Thailand, labor migration to Malaysia represents a peacebuilding model based on employment (Justino et al., 2013), an economic opportunity that reduces the incentive to recruit labor into conflict while simultaneously avoiding permanent displacement. This differs from forced migration or refugee frameworks because it maintains decision-making power: migrants retain control over their migration decisions. Cyclicality: Cross-border ethnic relations facilitate continued repatriation. Skills mobility: Investment in human capital remains valuable in both origin and destination contexts. Crucial integration: This adaptive-migration perspective explains why traditional human capital theories need revision. In conflict environments, investment in skills serves two purposes: increasing productivity (a traditional return) and building household resilience (an adaptive return). This proposed IMT-GT training framework quantifies this by issuing transferable certificates valid regardless of the laborer’s location, thereby promoting adaptive migration over permanent displacement. Recent empirical research by Onder et al. (2024) on Sub-Saharan conflict zones and Koser and Martin (2020) on prolonged displacement support this. This demonstrates that formal skills certification systems significantly improve adaptability by enabling migrants to move between the informal and formal sectors as stability and economic conditions change.

This study’s theoretical contributions emerge through iterative alignment between conceptual frameworks and empirical findings (see Table 1):

Theoretical Synthesis: The convergence of conflicting contexts, informal labour markets, and bilateral power imbalances creates regulatory gaps that neither regional frameworks and bilateral treaties can adequately address. Linkage institutions implemented through adaptive migration governance will be the missing infrastructure for investing in human capital to deliver returns in a fragile and out-of-system environment. The concept’s framework extends beyond Southeast Asia to any migration route characterized by the fragility of the country of origin. Unofficial destination countries and bilateral power imbalances (e.g., Central Amerisca-Mexico, Sahel-North Africa, Myanmar-Thailand).

The sample for this study comprised three primary stakeholder groups, each selected using purposive sampling to ensure the inclusion of well-documented case studies. The first group consisted of 12 government officials representing various relevant agencies. This group included representatives from the Department of Labour, the Foreign Workers Administration Office, the Labour Offices of Yala, Pattani, and Narathiwat provinces, and the Provincial Labour Skills Development Institute. Each official presented unique insights from their jurisdiction and administrative roles. The second group consisted of Thai workers who had returned to Thailand, gathered through both individual interviews (n = 25) and focus group discussions (n = 48). The selection focused on individuals who had previously worked in Malaysia across various economic sectors and currently resided in the three southern border provinces. The sample reflected the region’s demographic diversity, with the majority identifying as Thai-Malaysian (78%) and a smaller proportion as Thai-Buddhists (22%). Participants were aged between 22 and 54 years (average age 35.6 years) and comprised 68% male and 32% female. Work experience in Malaysia spanned various sectors, including oil palm plantations, construction, manufacturing, and services. Educational levels varied, with the majority having completed secondary education.

The third group consisted of Malaysian oil palm plantation entrepreneurs. The study involved eight participants, including plantation managers in Kedah, Perlis, and Perak, as well as supervisors of palm oil factories. These palm plantations ranged in size from 50 to 500 hectares and were located within a 100-kilometer radius of the Thai-Malaysian border. All participants had at least 5 to 15 years of experience working with Thai labor. To identify Malaysian respondents, the researchers used snowball sampling, as there was no official database listing palm plantation operators that employed Thai workers. Initial contacts were made through provincial labor offices in Thailand, and subsequent participants were selected through internal industry referrals. This approach allowed access to knowledgeable and experienced stakeholders on both sides of the border (see Table 2).

First, the analysis of research documents involves an in-depth review of documents related to labor migration and the palm industry. The main documents include the national policies of Thailand and Malaysia, including bilateral labor agreements in 2003 and 2013. The analysis also covers the strategic documents from the Indonesia-Malaysia-Thailand Growth Triangle (IMT-GT), especially the implementation master plan from 2025 to 2026. The Malaysian Palm Oil Committee’s industry report covers the period from 2026 to 2030 and provides an in-depth analysis of current industrial development. Therefore, the review includes academic literature focusing on labor migration.

In-depth, semi-structured interviews were the primary qualitative tool for gathering sensitive perspectives from each stakeholder group. Interviews were conducted in Thai or Malay, depending on the participant’s preference, and all interviews were professionally audio-recorded (with consent) and transcribed for accuracy. The interviews explored topics tailored to each group. Workers were asked about their previous experiences in Malaysia, the skills they considered most important, and the challenges they faced. Employers discussed their desired abilities and compared Thai workers to other workers. Government officials were asked about key obstacles to legal labor migration and which policy changes they considered most effective. For reproducibility, the interview questionnaires covered key issues for all stakeholders, including skills and training needs, economic factors such as wages and remittances, policy and regulatory issues, social and cultural influences, and the role of institutional frameworks such as IMT-GT and bilateral agreements. For Focus Group Discussions, six groups were conducted with returning Thai workers in the three southern border provinces, with two groups in each province. Each group consisted of 6–10 participants, making the discussions lively yet manageable. Moderated discussions, using a structured approach, encouraged participants to share their experiences working in Malaysia, the challenges and coping strategies they developed, perspectives on training needs, employment preferences, and the broader impact of migration on their communities.

Qualitative data analysis was conducted using a systematic thematic analysis approach, as described by Braun and Clarke (2006). This process unfolded over several structured phases, each contributing to a comprehensive understanding of the data. The analysis began with familiarization, during which the researchers reviewed all transcripts and noted initial patterns. In the coding phase, data were systematically labeled using NVivo 12 software, both deductive and inductive codes. Any coding discrepancies were discussed, and the framework was refined before coding the remaining data. Themes were then developed from the coded data and refined through review. Finally, several key themes were identified. Prominent themes identified: Skills requirements (technical, physical, supervisory), Readiness factors (previous experience, transferable skills, motivation), Economic considerations (wage differentials, remittances, household impacts), Policy barriers (outdated agreements, certification gaps, training infrastructure), Social impacts (status, family wellbeing, community development), and Gender dimensions (mobility constraints, access to training, family responsibilities).

Data from multiple sources (interviews, group discussions, documents) were systematically compared to enhance reliability. Consistent findings across sources strengthened confidence in the results, while divergent outcomes prompted an in-depth analysis of contextual factors underlying the differences.

The Institutional Research Ethics Committee of Walailak University approved this research methodology. Before participating in interviews or group discussions, all participants provided informed consent. Throughout data collection, analysis, and reporting, strict confidentiality and anonymity were maintained. Participants were informed of their rights to withdraw from the study at any time without any consequences. Data were securely stored, and access was restricted solely to the research team.

The proposed training program has been meticulously developed to address the specific skill gaps found among migrant laborers and the needs of palm oil industry employers. This comprehensive program is structured into five specialized modules, designed to enhance both foundational and technical skills necessary for effective and safe work performance. The first module, “Fundamentals of Palm Cultivation and Maintenance,” spans 40 h and covers key topics such as palm biology, planting techniques, fertilization, weed and pest management, irrigation, and safe handling of agricultural chemicals. Participants will gain a solid foundation in the science and best practices of palm cultivation, setting the stage for advanced skills development.

The second unit explained harvesting technology and the operation of equipment for more than 60 h. Trainees learn to identify ripe fruit bunches using visual and tactile cues, operate and maintain harvesting tools safely, and adjust methods according to palm height. The course focuses on reducing fruit loss, adhering to production standards, following appropriate harvesting and management procedures, and prioritizing personal safety. Mechanical operations and vehicles are the core of the third unit, with a total of 40 h of guidance covering harvesting vehicle operation, loading and unloading procedures, daily equipment maintenance, and identification of workplace hazards. In addition, basic logistics planning has been put in place to prepare workers.

Finally, the fifth module focuses on workplace rights, cultural adaptation, and communication, and lasts 20 h to familiarize workers with Malaysia’s labor law, labor contracts, and complaint mechanisms. The module also develops Malaysia’s basic skills and financial knowledge in the workplace, including banking and remittance management. The module also includes health, safety, and emergency procedures to ensure that workers are ready to live and work abroad. The course aims to combine theoretical classroom teaching (40%) with field training (60%), and full-time students can complete four to six internal intensive courses totaling 200 h.

Upon completion of the training, participants will receive a comprehensive certificate specifying their specialized expertise, the training institution, assessment results (including both theoretical and practical components), and compliance with Malaysian occupational standards and the IMT-GT framework. The certificate is bilingual (Thai and Malay or English), digitally verifiable, and recognized by employers in Malaysia and by relevant government agencies of both countries. This mobility enables workers to leverage their qualifications for opportunities in other agricultural sectors. Employers highly value such credible certifications, as noted by a palm oil plantation manager: “If I know a worker has undergone recognized training and passed assessments, I am happy to hire them immediately with a higher starting salary. A strong certification reduces risks and costs in talent recruitment.” This reflects the importance of a robust, transparent, and widely recognized certification system.

The findings of this study provide robust empirical support for the core proposition of human capital theory: that systematic investment in skill development yields measurable economic returns for both individuals and society. The recorded wage disparity—from 4,000–5,000 baht per month to 15,000 baht per month—demonstrates the economic value derived from accumulating human capital through targeted training (Becker, 1993; Schultz, 1961). However, this research also reveals significant extensions and refinements to the traditional human capital theory when applied to the context of cross-border labor migration under challenging conditions.

This research confirms that conflict environments, informal labor markets, and power imbalances necessitate modifications to classical models while maintaining core concepts, as follows:

This research highlights the crucial role of the Indonesia-Malaysia-Thailand Growth Triangle (IMT-GT) as a bridge between ASEAN’s broader regional goals and the realities of bilateral cooperation. The focus on sub-regions within IMT-GT allows for contextually appropriate strategies, particularly on border issues such as ethnic relations and economic inequality, and enables flexible solutions to specific problems, such as those related to the palm oil industry. The IMT-GT’s structure also facilitates experimentation and management of political sensitivities.

However, IMT-GT faces several significant limitations. Its informal nature results in the lack of enforcement for many initiatives. Effective labor protection requires bilateral agreements, and although migrant labor is included in the plans, practical implementation remains constrained. Additionally, resource allocation for these initiatives remains minimal. Furthermore, the focus remains on high-skilled labor migration, leaving the needs of low-skilled and semi-skilled cross-border workers largely unaddressed. Overall, while IMT-GT offers flexible and concrete cooperation, its impact is limited by informal oversight, scarce resources, and a narrow focus on skilled labor.

Compared to other regional cooperation frameworks, the IMT-GT takes a different approach to labour mobility. ECOWAS seriously promotes free movement, but weak enforcement, informal migration, limited skill coordination, and security issues have hampered its effectiveness. The MERCOSUR Residency Agreement is more practical, giving the right to mandatory residence and equal treatment, but it lacks strong skills development measures. IMT-GT stands out for its “structural sectoral focus,” with a focus on sectoral and sub-regional initiatives. For example, palm oil and tourism make it possible to implement flexible and targeted interventions that can be adapted to local needs. Skills development is clearly included, although this model helps to improve operations and meet the needs of group-specific stakeholders. However, it can lead to fragmentation and often hinder large numbers of unskilled workers. However, IMT-GT demonstrates the value of flexible and context-sensitive cooperation for regional integration.

This research highlights a clear gap between ASEAN’s ambitious goals for skilled labor mobility and the reality of most migrant workers, who are low-skilled or semi-skilled and largely excluded from regional cooperation frameworks. While ASEAN economic community agreements primarily benefit experts, the majority of migrant workers remain under strict bilateral arrangements, creating a “two-tiered” system. The findings confirm that subregional sector-specific initiatives like IMT-GT offer more concrete solutions for the majority of workers than broad regional reforms. Incremental progress through targeted industrial frameworks and local pilot projects is more feasible than attempting comprehensive ASEAN-wide agreements. Focusing on sector-specific and subregional approaches enables policymakers to better address disparities in labor standards and regulations, creating more accessible migration opportunities for low-skilled and semi-skilled workers.

This research adds to the growing body of research into the link between migration and conflict, demonstrating that work migration can play a dual role—not only creating economic opportunities but also mitigating conflict. In Thailand’s southern border provinces of Yala, Pattani, and Narathiwat, ongoing low-level conflict since 2004 has resulted in thousands of deaths and persistent instability. This instability has undermined private investment and significantly reduced local employment opportunities, particularly for young people (McCargo, 2012). Economic hardship exacerbates pre-existing ethnic and religious tensions, trapping many communities in a cycle of violence and exclusion.

Traditional peacebuilding efforts in this region primarily focus on political negotiations, institutional security reforms, and transitional justice measures. While these approaches are crucial, they often overlook the economic factors underlying prolonged instability. Research indicates that policies promoting safe and legal labor migration can serve as a valuable complement to traditional peacebuilding strategies. Migration can alleviate economic distress, reduce incentives for involvement in violence, and strengthen community resilience by enabling access to employment opportunities outside conflict zones. In this way, labor migration emerges as both a vital economic pathway and a route to sustainable peace in conflict-affected areas.

Collier and Hoeffler (2004) showed that access to work helps reduce conflict by decreasing recruitment into armed groups. This research supports their view: high-wage Thai workers in Malaysia are more likely to choose legal employment than join armed groups, while remittances strengthen family security and reduce resentment. Skills acquired abroad also enhance long-term opportunities. As one official stated, lasting peace requires work, income, and hope, making work migration a crucial part of peacebuilding. Migration also expands social networks and perspectives, diverts youth from conflict, and strengthens family resilience through remittances. Together, these effects help promote stability and peace in conflict-affected areas.

One significant limitation arises from the use of snowball sampling to select employers in Malaysian palm oil plantations. This method, which ultimately yielded eight respondents, began through Thai provincial labor offices. This resulted in a sample biased toward employers with formal relationships with the Thai government, potentially making the study more representative of large, legally compliant plantations—environments where labor practices and regulatory oversight tend to be stronger.

This research does not include a specific industry group: informal, small-scale palm oil plantations (less than 50 hectares) that employ many undocumented Thai workers. Employers in these settings, who typically have limited interaction with government agencies, were excluded from the sample. Additionally, palm oil plantations in remote areas—beyond the 100-kilometer border studied—were not addressed. These exclusions may influence the perspectives gathered from this research, which could be more representative of better employment conditions for Thai workers in Malaysia than is generally experienced.

The consequences of this bias are clear. Reported wage rates (1,800–2,500 Ringgit/month) and working conditions may appear better than those for informal or undocumented Thai workers. Thus, the study’s policy recommendations may underestimate the challenges of formalizing employment. Bias also appears in the respondents’ gender. All interviewed Malaysian employers were male, reflecting farm management’s gender dynamics. This one-sided view ignores female supervisors and human resource managers, who may differ in their opinions on workplace dynamics and recruitment. These missing perspectives limit the study’s ability to examine gender dynamics in farm labor. In conclusion, the research notes that the findings are shaped by the sample and are incomplete. Therefore, the narratives and recommendations reflect large, male-dominated farms near the border and may not capture the realities of most Thai migrant workers in Malaysia.

This study focuses specifically on the southern border provinces of Yala, Pattani, and Narathiwat. This allows for the identification of key migration routes, but at the same time limits the scope of conclusions. These provinces are not only the primary source of Thai labor in Malaysian palm oil plantations, but also possess unique demographic and geographical characteristics that distinguish them from other parts of Thailand.

The majority of the sample were of Thai-Malaysian descent; 78% reported a dual cultural background and fluency in Malay. This ethnic and linguistic advantage is rare among migrants from central or northeastern Thailand, who usually lack it. Thus, the findings reflect the experiences of people already familiar with border crossings. Their Malay fluency, kinship ties, and adaptation to both societies grant bargaining power in migration. Migrants from other Thai regions, lacking these resources, likely face more obstacles in Malaysia. Geographical proximity also shapes migration in the South. Workers from border provinces migrate cyclically, often crossing daily or weekly, which blurs the line between legal and informal movement. This pattern differs from that of long-distance migrants from inland or northeastern Thailand, whose journeys require formal documentation and involve fewer, more stringent border crossings. Fluctuations in the South stem from both geography and policy.

Furthermore, the southern border context is shaped by ongoing conflict and instability, which serve as powerful economic drivers. For many, cross-border work migration is both a survival strategy and a response to insecurity—a factor virtually absent in migration narratives across other regions of Thailand. In comparison, economic migration from the northeast (Isan) is often driven by drought, chronic poverty, or a lack of local employment, not by violence or political instability. These regionally specific factors have a tangible impact on the study’s findings. The prevalence of informal migration and reliance on ethnic or family networks, evident in this sample, stems from the unique social structures and environments of the southern provinces. Applying these patterns to migrants from non-border and non-Malaysian-speaking areas may be misleading, as their experiences may be more vulnerable and have fewer support structures. In conclusion, while the southern provinces are central to Thai-Malaysian labor migration, the realities recorded here cannot be considered representative of the broader Thai workforce in Malaysia.

The ongoing insurgency, which began in 2004, has created significant obstacles to accessing research. Fieldwork was consequently limited to district capitals and provincial towns. Due to ongoing security threats, rural villages, particularly in high-risk areas like Pattani and Narathiwat, were virtually inaccessible. This geographical limitation may have led to the neglect of the most economically vulnerable and disadvantaged workers, whose experiences are underrepresented in the research findings. Time constraints further restricted participation. All interviews were conducted only during the daytime and completed before the recommended curfew of 6:00 p.m., making it impossible for the study to reach workers with irregular schedules or those who deliberately avoided daytime appearances due to legal or personal risks.

The multilingual nature of the interviews—conducted in Thai, Malay, and occasionally English—introduces layers of complexity and bias. Translation poses a persistent challenge, particularly when interviewing Malaysian employers who frequently employ specialized agricultural terminology. Subtle nuances and contextual meanings expressed in Malay may be diminished or entirely lost when translated into Thai or English for analysis, undermining the credibility of the research findings. The linguistic landscape becomes even more complicated by language switching. Many Thai-Malay respondents frequently alternate between Thai and Malay, sometimes within the same sentence. This fluid switching requires interviewers and interpreters to make real-time judgments about meaning, increasing the risk of unintended shifts in the intent or emphasis of responses.

Literacy barriers also affect the quality and depth of collected data. Those with limited formal education, particularly those with no higher than primary school, often struggle to answer abstract policy questions. Their answers are frequently shorter, less detailed, and sometimes miss the true intent of more complex questions. To ensure quality, all interviews are recorded and transcribed by experts.

Time and long-term limitations – cross-sectional design cannot establish causal relationships, is affected by seasonal variation, and lacks long-term follow-up.

Sample size and statistical limitations – a small sample size makes multivariate analysis impossible. Target group dynamics (social needs bias), minority population (32% women vs. 40% of the workforce).

Reliability of economic data – self-reported wages may be biased by inaccuracies in recall, social desirability bias, currency confusion, and a lack of employer verification.

Scope of sector and stakeholder engagement – focus on palm oil limits data transferability; lack of voices from various groups (labor brokers, host communities, Malaysian officials, Thai families).

Generalizability Beyond Research Period research timeframe – 2024-2025 timeframe (post-COVID recovery, Malaysia’s political transition, IMT-GT policy evolution).

Ethical limitations regarding data depth – protection of vulnerable populations limits inquiries into illegal activities, human trafficking, and child migration, making the data descriptive.