The Government of Cameroon embarked on infrastructure development in the maritime and shipping sector to enhance the national economy and improve the livelihoods of coastal communities. One example of such commitment is the Kribi deep-water port project, recognized among China’s biggest port investment projects anywhere in the world, the largest deep-water port in West Africa, and aimed at easing congestion to the harbor in Douala (EIU, 2017). While the investment in the Kribi Port would bring about economic development in Cameroon, it comes at a huge cost to coastal communities and the environment. In particular, the 300 inhabitants of Mbode in Lolabe, whose village had to be destroyed for the port to be built, received little or no compensation for their land (Schenkel, 2018). In addition, the clearing of the forest in the project areas has implications for local biodiversity, as it has resulted in the direct loss and the fragmentation of ecosystems (Romain et al., 2017).

The people affected, many of whom are fishers and farmers, have lost their traditional fishing grounds and farmlands, and must now invest in expensive fishing equipment to fish elsewhere and/or seek an alternative source of livelihood. It has been reported that the villagers affected by the Kribi Port Infrastructure development were compensated and a special town built for them (Benkenstein, 2014). In reality, the promise of a better life has eluded many of the villagers, as they note that they struggle to make ends meet in their current location. Some members of the Mbode village have noted that though they were compensated, the compensation was far from what was initially agreed with the government, especially concerning land allocation, provision of housing and other basic amenities such as water and electricity (Okafor-Yarwood et al., 2020). They further claim that since the process of relocation started in 2011, nothing concrete has been achieved and many members of the community have relocated to different parts of the town, rather than the proposed site which is far removed from the comfort they once enjoyed (personal observation by I.O-Y).

The general view is that community members had hoped that the investment in the Kribi Port infrastructure would improve their socio-economic wellbeing, which has not been the case. Instead, they have lost their farmland, traditional fishing grounds and their ancestral homes. For the women, the eviction from Mbode means that they no longer have access to the lands they once farmed, or get as much fish to sell, since their husbands have either abandoned the fishing trade out of frustration or are not catching as much as they used to (personal observation by I.O-Y).

The narrative is similar in other communities across Lolabe. In Batanga, residents were displaced from their ancestral land and relocated to a different site some 6 km away, without any provision or consideration for the ancestral graves and other sites of social and cultural significance (Assembe-Mvondo, 2019). Also, the deforestation induced by the development project has destroyed other human habitats such as the Bagyeli and Baka indigenous people in rubber plantation sites, with livelihoods, places of worship and other cultural activities of pygmy populations destroyed with no regard for social safeguards (Assembe-Mvondo, 2019; Pemunta, 2019).

Though the Kribi deep seaport and the infrastructure associated with it would boost the Cameroonian economy when completed, the impact of the project in contributing to environmental degradation and depletion of the natural forest must not be ignored (Romain et al., 2017). The impact of the Port project on the Congo Basin, home to the second-largest tropical rain-forested area on earth (Tyukavina et al., 2018) calls for serious concern. Specifically, the cutting of trees began in late 2010, and by the time the project will be completed in 2035, it is projected that tens of thousands of hectares of the jungle will be cleared (Bax, 2018). The impact on the Congo Basin is worth highlighting due to its significance for biodiversity, serving as a home to important species including the critically endangered Pangolin and Lowland Gorilla (Tyukavina et al., 2018; Nforngwa, 2019). Deforestation associated with the felling of trees for the construction of the Port infrastructure, such as roads, threatens biodiversity. It exposes already endangered habitats to many threats, as they become easily accessible to poachers.

The completion of the Kribi deep water port in 2018 has led to further deforestation as there is now access to some of the most sought-after wood for the Asian market. In May 2018, a single Vietnamese ship was said to have loaded an estimated 10,000 cubic meters of wood from the Port of Kribi, which is an estimated 450 trucks load of logs (Colgan, 2018). During a visit to Kribi in October 2019, it appears the deforestation has increased substantially, as over 50 truckloads of logs were counted en route Yaoundé to Kribi (personal observation by I. O-Y).

Ultimately, the port infrastructure provides an opportunity for local development, as well as improving the economy of Cameroon. However, the implications for biodiversity, cultural preservation and the livelihood of the communities also have to be taken into account. In particular, given the Congo Basin’s “role in regulating rainfall patterns across other parts of the continent, [the] continued [deforestation] could exacerbate insecurity of freshwater and food supplies for some of Africa’s most vulnerable populations” (Bergen, 2019). One thing that must not be ignored, therefore, is the potential for such development projects to result in further animosity against the central government, something that Cameroon and its neighboring state, Nigeria, have experienced over the perception of political exclusion and unequal economic development in Anglophone Cameroon and the Niger Delta of Nigeria, respectively (Okafor-Yarwood et al., 2020).

Unfortunately, the narrative of the unsustainable approach to blue projects highlighted in Cameroon is replete across the African continent. For example, coastal communities are forcefully evicted or face eviction in Angola, Garside and Burke (2020) Kenya, Njunge (2019), Senegal, Grun (2019), and Guinea-Conakry, Philippe (2019), which brings about increased uncertainty due to the loss of traditional fishing grounds and ancestral homes, to make room for real estates, roads and port infrastructures respectively.

The narrative is similar in Côte d’Ivoire, where the expansion of port infrastructure in Abidjan, through the widening of the Vridi canal, has negatively impacted communities living adjacent to it. The Vridi canal has been expanded and deepened from the previous maximum draft of 12 m and a Twenty-foot Equivalent Unit (TEU) capacity of 3,500 to a draft of up to 16 m and 10,000 TEU capacity. The project, which started in 2015 and was inaugurated in 2019 (Budd Group, 2019; Port Authority, 2019) is aimed at accommodating more container ships, improving the maritime transport and shipping industry, and thereby transforming the Port of Abidjan into a major maritime transport hub in West Africa (Kobri and Dosso, 2019).

The surrounding areas of the Vridi canal have been hit by coastal erosion which is attributed to the cumulative effect of climate change (Addo et al., 2011; Zamblé, 2011; Sink, 2016; Dahir, 2017; Kemper, 2017; Vitousek et al., 2017). However, some local residents explicitly associate the recent coastal erosion with human causes, in particular the expansion of the Vridi canal. The residents note that the enlargement of the canal led to the diversion of sea currents to the eastern part of the canal, causing destruction of homes, places of worship and businesses. Although residents have been urged by the government to move away from the coast to avoid being affected by future erosion events, they claimed that they have received little to no support from the state to rebuild their homes and businesses (personal observation by I.O-Y). While there are no current scientific studies that link the expansion of the canal to the recent erosion, previous studies connect human activities to erosion in the Abidjan area. In fact, scholars have linked previous coastal erosion to the construction of the Vridi canal in the 1940s. Odada (2013) argues that beach erosion on the east of Vridi canal has intensified since its opening in 1950. Similarly, Abe and Affian (2012) show the construction of the canal, which began in 1943, resulted in the accumulation of sediment¹ on the western part and the erosion of the Port-Bouët coastline (which is located in the eastern part) by up to 3 m per year. The coastal retreat induced by the port facilities has severe consequences on livelihoods, as it leads to the destruction of properties and reduction of constructible space (N’Doufou et al., 2015).

The expansion of the Vridi canal and the resulting modernization of Côte d’Ivoire’s port would bring about economic development and perhaps an improvement of the welfare of coastal communities. At the same time, the project exposes the countries’ population to environmental risks, and loss of livelihoods. The cost of coastal degradation in Cote d’Ivoire in 2017 was estimated at US$2 billion, close to 5% of the country’s GDP (The World Bank, 2019) which counteracts any economic gains made from the development of coastal infrastructure should coastal degradation continue to escalate. Therefore, coastal states must ensure that the impact of future BE initiatives are assessed to incorporate the views of coastal communities, especially those likely to be affected by such developments. In essence, we argue that future BE initiatives should consider adopting the FSS approach, which takes into account the ecological, economic, socio-cultural, government and institutional perspectives.

The Government of Kenya initiated the Lamu Port Project in 2012 to provide a transhipment hub for the East Africa region (Wël, 2012; Nduire, 2018). The project is one of the key components in the Lamu Port South Sudan Ethiopia Transport (LAPSSET) corridor which consists of the construction of 32 Deep Sea Berths and several infrastructures, originating in Lamu, intended to link East, Central and North Africa. The LAPSSET corridor is identified as an integrative infrastructure priority for East Africa Community (EAC) Vision 2030. It includes several highway roads, a causeway, and an oil pipeline between Lamu Port and Kenya’s Oil Fields in Turkana Basin, and a standard gauge rail network that connects the Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania (SAGCOT), and the Maputo Development Corridor (MDC) (Kabukuru, 2016).

The port, which is currently not fully operationalized, was designed to ease the congestion in transportation and improve Kenya’s connection with its landlocked neighbors, thereby boosting Kenya’s regional and global competitiveness in the transhipment business. However, some local residents have raised an alarm over their lack of involvement in the planning and implementation process. Other reports point to the lack of sensitization of communities on the effect of the Lamu project on their socio-economic wellbeing (Sena, 2012). While fishing is important to the food and economic security of communities in Lamu, several reports denote a decline in the number of fishing grounds due to dredging activities which negatively impact livelihoods. In addition, the dredging has altered the diversity of fish species and the ecosystem at large. Destruction of habitats such as mangroves and coral reefs have been reported. In 2018, for instance, the court ruled that more than 4600 fishers would be affected by the LAPSSET project stating that:

This is true as many residents have raised concern about the decline in fish catches as noted by a 46-year-old fisher:

The loss of fishing grounds combined with decline in fish catches is likely to undermine the livelihoods of Lamu residents who have a long history of fishing. The Lamu Archipelago, particularly Old Town Lamu which dates back from the 14th century, has been known as a tourist destination and was designated as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2001 (Njunge, 2019).

Several residents have also highlighted the implications of Lamu Port for the surrounding habitats and resources, including far-reaching ecological, cultural, economic and social destruction. Activities such as sand mining and dredging for the port contributes to destruction of the ecosystem as stated by a 47-year-old dhow maker and snorkeling guide:

A 2019 court ruling instructed the Kenya Ports Authority (KPA) to pay the fishers US$17 million in compensation to be made within a year. However, KPA appealed the ruling resulting in the suspension of the compensation (Business Reporting Desk, 2019). This example points out to the inherent complications of such developments which fail to meet the expectations of the communities.

Though the Lamu Project presents an example of a BE initiative poised to enhance global shipping, the negative externalities borne by the communities may outweigh the benefits. As the Kenyan coastline is changing to accommodate such large-scale infrastructure, innovative methods of compensation need to be developed to ensure that communities are not left impoverished by such projects. There is an urgent need for African states to initiate adequate monitoring programs to identify the impacts of current and future BE projects in a timely manner. Monitoring and evaluation require enforcement of regulatory and policy frameworks to ensure the environment and people are not adversely disadvantaged at the expense of economic development.

The Namibian government authorized the mining of phosphates within its EEZ in 2011 in an area believed to be the largest identified marine phosphate deposit in the world (NAMPHOS, 2012). The project aimed to push Namibia as a global market front-runner in rock phosphate production, with an envisaged steady-state production of three-million tons a year of phosphate concentrate product over an initial mine life of 20 years, including a 2-year ramp-up period (Odendaal, 2020). It is estimated that Sandpiper Marine Phosphate Mining would generate N$730 million (∼US$40 million) a year while fully operational (Odendaal, 2020).

However, the project, led by the Namibian Marine Phosphates (Pty) Ltd. (NMP), has not been in operation since 2012 because of a lack of transparency as well as concerns about serious impacts on the marine environment and the fisheries. Specifically, the proposed exclusion zone of 23 × 9 km would impact key commercial fishing grounds for hake, horse mackerel and monkfish which would have serious effects on livelihoods and environmental conservation (Midgley, 2012; Mensah, 2017; Menges, 2018). In an October 2012 press release, the founder of the World Future Council, Jakob von Uexkull, voiced concerns about the future of Namibian fisheries should the planned Sandpiper marine phosphate mining project be allowed to go ahead (World Future Council, 2012). He posited:

Despite many concerns raised by activists and environmentalists over the years, Namibia’s Environmental Commissioner in September 2016 gave out an environmental clearance certificate to NMP to commence mining operations (Immanuel, 2016). Following the issuance, three associations representing the Namibian fishing industry launched legal action against the commissioner for granting the environmental clearance certificate, resulting in the reversal of the award certificate in November 2016 (Shapwanale, 2016). Since then, there has been a back-and-forth legal tussle between the NMP and the Namibian authorities with no lasting solution in sight.

The prospects of this project to Namibia’s economy may be far-reaching, however, it expedites environmental degradation and undermines livelihoods. Further, the associated impacts on the environment and conflicts between stakeholders is a critical precursor to the success for the Sandpiper Marine Phosphate Mining project as an example of developing the BE. Thus, calls attention to power imbalances that exist in the top down approach to BE management whereby the contributions of local stakeholders are rarely considered.

Balancing community needs, cultural preservation, and ecological function is a growing challenge in the quest for a successful BE for many states (Roberts and Ali, 2016; Keen et al., 2018). Though some efforts have been made to draw attention to the competing interests in exploring the economic potential of oceans, community needs are increasingly marginalized from decision-making processes (Bennett, 2018; Pauly, 2018). Therefore, addressing Africa’s ‘next frontier’ for economic development must prioritize features of social equity and environmental sustainability. A successful BE framework presents a viable opportunity for many communities that rely on ocean resources as a source of livelihoods and food security but faces the risk of poor and disjointed governance efforts which underrate the importance of communities (Bennett et al., 2019; Roy, 2019).

Neglecting to consider community needs jeopardizes human, social, economic, and cultural security, and therefore undermines inclusivity and sustainable development as discussed in the aforementioned case studies. What the foregoing discussion suggests is that the increasing failure to acknowledge the role of local communities within the African BE debate leads to a stand-still in socio-economic development as evidenced in the examples presented above. We assert that the mainstreaming of the BE agenda with community needs requires a process that challenges the normative governance and economic mindset which isolates ecological sustainability and the needs of local resource users. Imbalances in power dynamics as exhibited in top-down management often leads to the marginalization of local communities in the decision-making process, which accelerates the potential for conflicts (Voyer et al., 2018b; Kadagi et al., 2020; Lee et al., 2020; Okafor-Yarwood, 2020).

The Niger Delta provides a prime case study that underscores the immediate and long-term implications of excluding the interests of local communities since oil exploration started in the 20th century (Obi and Rustad, 2011). The alliance between the government and multinational corporations has mostly focused on maximizing and protecting oil revenues while paying little attention to the under-representation of communities and environmental conservation in the Niger Delta (Maiangwa and Agbiboa, 2013; Okafor-Yarwood, 2018). This has fuelled a rise in militant groups who claim to represent the needs of communities, resulting in conflict between the oil multinational corporations and the state, as well as insecurity that has extended to neighboring countries (Onuoha, 2013; Obi, 2014; Ali, 2015; Oyewole et al., 2018; Okafor-Yarwood et al., 2020) threatening the economic development of the entire region.

The Niger Delta example highlights the implication of adopting a management framework that fails to consider the connection between the BE sectors and the SDGs. Primarily, the BE sectors contribute significantly to the SDGs: income (SDG 8) from the sale of fish (SDG 14) addresses food and nutrition security issues (SDGs 1 and 2), pays for health care and education (SDGs 3 and 4), and reduces inequalities (SDG 10) (Un General Assembly, 2014; Okafor-Yarwood, 2019; Obura, 2020). The SDGs epitomize the United Nations pledge of “no human left behind,” emphasizing the need to address imbalances in attaining the collective benefit to the economy, society, and environment (Un General Assembly, 2014; Okafor-Yarwood, 2019). The negative impact of the BE projects on local communities cast doubt on the ability of countries to attain the related SDGs by 2030. If the BE cannot offer real benefits to the local people, maintaining the monolithic approach to benefit sharing will increasingly prove difficult. Thus, the integration of local communities in the BE paradigm is required to address the short-comings and allow social inclusivity and engagement.

Undoubtedly, blue growth is underpinned on a resource base which is susceptible to human-driven changes such as increased pollution, alteration of coastal ecosystems and overfishing which limits the ability for ocean resources to contribute to the realization of the SDGs and the AU’s Agenda 2063 of the “Africa we want.” Yet, the discussions about issues of ocean development are mainly centered around economic motives with less consideration for the communities in the management or co-management of those resources. Success in the BE calls for the participation of coastal communities to ensure that social contracts are of mutual benefit to all stakeholders (Boutilier and Thomson, 2011; Bennett et al., 2018). Achieving success would require transparency in the management of BE and building the capacity of communities to leverage the field for multiple stakeholders.

In the remainder of this paper, we explore the successful community-based and government-led BE interventions which allow us to critically review and recommend possible frameworks for the management of BE projects in Africa.

In the Gambia, the community of Karmalloh started the TRY Oyster Women’s Association (TRY) in 2006, which eventually became an NGO linked to The Gambia-Senegal Sustainable Fisheries Project (Ba Nafaa) (Lau and Scales, 2016). In 2012, TRY became the first women’s association in Sub-Saharan Africa to be granted exclusive use rights to a fishery under the Cockle and Oyster Fishery Co-Management Plan for the Tanbi Wetlands National Park, between the Gambian Department of Parks and Wildlife, the Department of Forestry, the National Environment Agency and the Department of Fisheries. TRY aimed to address the “connected challenges of unemployment and coastal degradation” (UNDP, 2013). It has led to reduced pressure on the mangrove environment and increased cooperation between groups of oyster harvesters and in turn has contributed to the reduction of tensions among local groups and integration of migrant communities (Lau and Scales, 2016). Success in this example was partially attributed to (i) building trust and confidence among stakeholders, (ii) consultation among women harvesters at local to national level, (iii) integrated programmes that delivered tangible short-term benefits while making progress toward achieving longer term goals, and (iv) adaptive management based on indigenous knowledge and other scientific approaches (UNEP., 2015).

In 2004, the Vezo community of fishers, a small isolated and poor community in southwest Madagascar, created a locally managed BE initiative that addressed the need for a sustainable octopus fishery, given the general decline in catches (Langley, 2006). The establishment of locally managed marine areas (LMMAs) was supported by government policies which allowed local communities to use traditional laws and indigenous knowledge to govern temporarily through measures such as permanent closures which resulted in the recovery of octopus stocks (Cripps and Gardner, 2016). Blue Ventures, the Wildlife Conservation Society, World Wide Fund for Nature and the Madagascan Marine Research Institute provided necessary technical and material support to enable local management. Early involvement of seafood export companies, Copefrito and Murex, was also critical as they became the main buyers of octopus and paid a premium rate for stocks from temporary closures, thus supporting the value chain and sustainable management of the fishery. This example shows that fishers, private sector seafood companies, government and non-governmental agencies can work together to successfully manage natural resources, resulting in the sustainment of livelihoods, economy and biodiversity (Westerman and Benbow, 2013; UNEP., 2015; Cripps and Gardner, 2016).

Mikoko Pamoja (Mangroves together), based in Gazi Bay in Kenya, is the first mangrove Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) project in the world which seeks to restore and conserve mangroves, degraded by years of legal and illegal cutting, through the sale of carbon credits. The community received technical support in restoration of the mangrove forests and also in carbon quantification through scientists from the Kenya Marine and Fisheries Research Institute (KMFRI) in Mombasa. The project is accredited by the Plan Vivo system and standards to trade in 3000t CO₂. Mangroves are referred to as Blue Forests and they have been documented to contain six times the carbon sequestration potential of terrestrial forests (Huxham et al., 2015; Huff and Tonui, 2017). Mangrove forests also offer additional ecosystem support services such as the provision of nursery grounds for important fish species and coastal protection services (Huff and Tonui, 2017; Murungi, 2017; Das, 2020).

Under this project, about 117 hectares of natural and planted mangrove forests are under a co-management regime where communities safeguard the forests and its resources. The carbon credits produced by the project are sold on the international voluntary carbon market through a charity known as the Association for Coastal Ecosystem Services (ACES). The carbon verification is done through Plan Vivo. Benefits from the credits are used to support various community needs in the Gazi village (Huff and Tonui, 2017).

The Mikoko Pamoja blue carbon project is run by the community based Mikoko Pamoja Community Organisation in partnership with the KMFRI and in collaboration with Earthwatch². Since its inception in 2014, this community-led initiative incorporates mangrove rehabilitation and PES to ensure co-management and benefits sharing. This project provides a successful example of cooperation between multiple stakeholders including the local communities, state agencies, and non-governmental organizations (Huff and Tonui, 2017; Murungi, 2017).

An important aspect of this endeavor is the fact that it provides financial benefits for conservation and the work is currently promoting the national dialogue for inclusion of blue carbon from mangroves in the Kenyan Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). According to the Africa Blue Economy Strategy, NDCs form an essential component of the BE (Au-Ibar, 2019) and projects such as these lend themselves to providing conservation benefits and securing critical areas of biodiversity even as the drive for large developments are promoted by African governments.

In 2001, seaweed farming started out as an experiment to determine site suitability for the growth of commercial seaweeds in Kenya (Wakibia et al., 2006). The aim of the work was to explore the potential of seaweeds as a possible means of improving the livelihoods of local villagers. The village of Kibuyuni, in the south coast of Kenya, was one of the study sites and seaweed farming has taken root in this community. Technical support was provided through the Kenya Marine and Fisheries Research Institute (KMFRI) under the World Bank-funded Kenya Coastal Development Project (KCDP) which improved the efficiency of seaweed farmers (Nyundo, 2017). Seaweed farming is linked to the provision of income generating and employment opportunities for the community. A better education for the children of farming families is also one of the benefits related to higher incomes (Personal observations by NIK and JU; Mirera et al., 2020; Odhiambo et al., 2020). In addition to economic gains, community members note that the development of seaweed farming has paralleled the conservation of mangrove forests through planting of hundreds of mangrove seedlings hence improving the health of fish stocks by providing refugia and breeding grounds (Personal observations by NIK and JU; Mirera et al., 2020; Odhiambo et al., 2020).

The farming is mostly undertaken by women and the process is moving toward commercialization with over 50 farmers participating in the project (van Wyk, 2015; Hurtado and Msuya, 2017; Walker, 2018; ODINAFRICA, 2020). The Kenyan Blue Economy Committee in 2019 provided support for value addition to produce branded juice, salads, soaps, and shampoos from this unique ocean product. One of the aims of such ventures is to promote value addition and enhance benefits to coastal livelihoods through establishment of processing plants (Wells et al., 2010; Msuya et al., 2014). The provision of production energy for such plants is a critical factor for upscaling village-level industries that seek to exploit the BE. The demand for energy is on the rise and this is shown by the electrification efforts in African nations (Au-Ibar, 2019). A large proportion of these nations depend on hydroelectric power, which is increasingly being impacted by climate variabilities leading to a renewed focus on sustainable blue energy in the form of wind, wave and tidal energy as well as algal biofuels (Elegbede et al., 2017).

This case study provides a template to accentuate the importance of involving local communities through capacity building and partnerships with government institutions such as KMFRI. The availability of training ensures that communities gain adequate skills relating to the production of better-quality seaweed. In reference to the FSS approach, the seaweed farming in Kenya shows that not only are communities internally motivated to diversify their livelihoods but they are also taking responsibility for environmental sustainability as evidenced by the conservation of mangroves.

There are also examples of cooperative and financial support initiatives which aim to directly benefit small and micro enterprises run by local communities. Seychelles is a leader in BE development and has established funding streams for small businesses which are also aimed at individual citizens. The Seychelles Conservation and Climate Change Adaptation Trust (SeyCCAT) influences the way in which funds are distributed across Seychelles, through a competitive grant process aiming to “support the design and implementation of sustainable-use marine protected zones; empower the fisheries sector with robust knowledge and capacity to improve governance, sustainability, value, and market options; and nurture new business models to secure the sustainable development of Seychelles’ fisheries”³. In the Mediterranean region (Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, Morocco), The Switchers platform⁴ started within the framework of the EU-funded SwitchMed programme (2012–2018) and was developed by the Regional Activity Centre for Sustainable Consumption and Production (SCP/RAC) which acts under the Mediterranean Action Plan, an organization that belongs to the United Nations Environment Programme. In 2019, Switchers became an independent initiative aiming to provide support services to individuals and small businesses in an effort to “contribute to sustainable and fair consumption and production models” of “green and circular businesses,” and this led to the development of the Switchers Support Programme which provides a variety of services including support for business model development and for access to finance⁴. These examples show that support initiatives which are designed to become independently run by local communities tend to become successful. The success of these initiatives may depend on (i) their ability to deliver clear benefits for career development of individuals, particularly through blue entrepreneurship involving small and micro enterprises, (ii) their production practices, and (iii) their alignment with fair and environmentally sustainable consumption. However, as these initiatives progress, more information needs to be collected from a variety of sources, including from affected individuals and communities, in order to make adequate assessments.