At the level of student, a range of mental health and/or somatic challenges are associated with SAPs: these include academic issues, interpersonal concerns, high stress levels, behavior problems, performance anxiety, sleep problems, emotional disorders related to internalizing problems like general anxiety, social phobia, depression, somatic complaints (Finning et al., 2019; Askeland et al., 2020; Leduc et al., 2022). Conversely, good performance, self-efficacy and positive mindsets are examples of protective influences (Henry and Huizinga, 2007; Ingul and Nordahl, 2013; Maric et al., 2013; Malika et al., 2021; Benoit et al., 2024). The ecological model also highlights individuals’ sense of agency - the capacity to act and exercise choices - (Sadownik, 2023), which may empower students to have the tenacity to pursue a goal despite any attendance challenges that occur.

The microsystem entails settings, activities, and interpersonal relationships that directly influence an individual’s attendance or absenteeism, including both peers, school, family, and other close entities (Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Bronfenbrenner and Morris, 2007).

Examples of peer-related factors associated with SAPs are social conflicts, for example bullying experiences and victimization (Malcolm et al., 2003; Malika et al., 2021; Leduc et al., 2022; Schlesier et al., 2023). Further, levels of care, respect and peer support and friendships are inversely related to absenteeism (De Wit et al., 2010; Hendron and Kearney, 2016).

Research suggests that factors in the microsystem school as key social context are both strong predictors to SAPs and serve a protective function for youth at risk of SAPs. This entails the quality of teacher-student relationships, the perceived teacher support and caring behavior for the student (Pellegrini, 2007; Ingul et al., 2012; Rasasingham, 2015; Geiser Werren and Isaak, 2016; Brouwer-Borghuis et al., 2019; Malika et al., 2021; Lee et al., 2023). Further studies show that a positive school climate is related to a decreased risk of developing SAPs (Price, 2015; Rasasingham, 2015; Hendron and Kearney, 2016; Van Eck et al., 2017; Brouwer-Borghuis et al., 2019; Karlberg et al., 2020; Ricking, 2023b). Positive school climates exist when students feel comfortable, accepted and safe in an environment where they can interact with people they trust (Naff et al., 2023). A sense of connectedness to peers, teachers and school is associated with higher motivation and engagement, and thus school attendance (Van Eck et al., 2017; Korpershoek et al., 2020). Essentially, supportive social environments are foundational to positive school behavior, which influence students’ perceptions of school as enjoyable and meaningful and ultimately lead to school attendance and achievement (Woolley and Grogan-Kaylor, 2006). Studies of SAPs in vulnerable populations demonstrate the complex interactions between student and teacher behaviors, highlighting the dynamics in the microsystem school that contribute to SAPs. For instance, teachers’ misconceptions about students with SAPs from transcultural, ethnic backgrounds may lead to inadequate support and influence student-teacher-relationships (Martin et al., 2020).

Family-related risk factors are low parental involvement or lack of interest in school work, and parent pathology (Hendron and Kearney, 2016; Gubbels et al., 2019; Leduc et al., 2022) while parents’ educational expectations and support are associated with high school completion (Ross, 2016). Recent literature highlights that children from families with low income, low socioeconomic status, or immigrant background are at higher risk of developing SAPs (Kearney and Benoit, 2022).

The mesosystem involves the interrelations between the individual’s different microsystems. Like school’s partnership with families and other stakeholders (Sundelin et al., 2023) that have been shown effective to improve attendance rates (Gren Landell, 2021).

The exosystem includes external settings that do not involve the student directly but affect their microsystem. As such, structural aspects like curricula (Leduc et al., 2022) and negative classroom management (Havik et al., 2015), teaching practices (Henry and Huizinga, 2007), or the approach to intervention (Keppens and Spruyt, 2020) are associated with SAPs. Ultimately, systemic school-based approaches as well as tiered systems of support characterized by a proactive, responsive system can be included in both the microsystems and the exosystem because they direct support to the individual student, but are also part of the immediate community (Kearney and Graczyk, 2020; Boaler and Bond, 2023).

The macrosystem encompasses broader societal and cultural influences on attendance, mainly programs or initiatives, but also the education (and welfare) system or state/government policies (Freeman and Simonsen, 2015; Keppens and Spruyt, 2019; Childs and Scanlon, 2022).

Changes over time affect development and can influence school attendance. The chronosystem refers to aspects of time (Rosa and Tudge, 2013). Broadly understood, it implies an individual’s own developmental life course, such as transitions from primary to secondary school (Melvin et al., 2019), and events occurring during the period through which the person lives, such as the COVID-19 pandemic (Naff et al., 2023).

At individual level, a qualitative study of children’s perceptions of reasons for being absent highlights themes such as anxiety and depression (Baker and Bishop, 2015). Oehme (2007) has studied school refusers’ subjective theories for their absence in Germany. The study revealed participants’ complex argumentation structures for explaining their absence from school associated with academic difficulties, depression, or negative self-perception. A qualitative study on youth’s perceptions of anxiety-related absenteeism (Dannow et al., 2020) found that academic aspirations were related to motivation for returning to school. Another study of enrolling German youth with emotional and behavioral difficulties highlights motivation, wish for participation and self-efficacy as areas of resilience to overcome the risk of SAPs (Heckner, 2013). Additionally, an increase in self-confidence appeared to be important to youths experiencing school refusal (Heyne et al., 2021). Most recently, research from Wright (2023) explored perceptions of primary school children in England. Children share the experience of receiving support that may have helped them to self-regulate their emotions, particularly anxiety.

Gregory and Purcell (2014) were able to show that, from the adolescents’ perspective, bullying was a reason for absenteeism. In contrast, adolescents experienced friendship as a motivator to attend school and a support in coping with stress (How, 2015), they value social contact with peers (Heyne et al., 2021). The perception of peer relationships was interconnected with a sense of belonging, school experience and personal wellbeing (Richards and Clark-Howard, 2023).

Although qualitative studies mostly report school-level factors as having negative effects on absenteeism from youth’s perspective (Dannow et al., 2020), some studies have identified school-related factors and resilience domains as important in supporting attendance (Heckner, 2013).

Several studies into youth voices have highlighted the significance of positive relationships between students and teachers within the school environment. How (2015) identified positive relationships with teachers as a protective factor, emphasizing the importance of teachers demonstrating care, respect, and providing individualized support to students. Wright (2023) further explored this theme by emphasizing that access to a key trusted adult who listened and met youth’s social, emotional wellbeing as well as learning needs was important. A common theme in young people’s accounts regarding intervention, particularly in the context of school refusal, were supportive relationships with at least one adult – characterized by kindness, caring behavior and availability (e.g., Gabrielsen and Havik, 2021; Heyne et al., 2021; Kljakovic et al., 2021). The importance of being understood and heard was frequently highlighted by youth (e.g., Nuttall and Woods, 2013; Baker and Bishop, 2015; Heyne et al., 2021). Additionally, Sundelin et al. (2023) show the importance of listening, showing empathy, and caring for students’ concerns as essential components of experienced supportive adult-student interactions. Findings from studies of the experiences of students with school refusal involved in an Australian re-engagement program and Canadian alternative settings highlight the need of being recognized, understood and feeling a sense of belonging. Students also expressed the need for “compassionate and caring educators, who were aware of the mental health difficulties” (McKay-Brown and Birioukov, 2021, p. 95) their students are experiencing.

In Oehme’s (2007) research, youth also report on family-related reasons that hindered their attendance, such as family conflicts, parental problems and lack of interest in school. Similarly, students in the study of Dannow et al. (2020) talk about their parents’ limited understanding and knowledge concerning school absenteeism. Young adults with a history of school refusal from immigrant and ethnic minority backgrounds express a sense of obligation to live up to their parents’ dreams of academic success as well as parental misunderstanding (Brault et al., 2022). Studies included in a systematic review of qualitative research in New Zealand identify illness and death in family as experienced barrier to attendance while also mentioning the importance of “family supporting them to attend school and helping them re-engage after a period of absenteeism “(Richards and Clark-Howard, 2023, p. 85). Another aspect as reported by students to be important is regular home-school communication (Nuttall and Woods, 2013).

Related to experiences of the exosystem, structure and quiet surroundings in school are viewed as helpful in supporting school attendance (Heyne et al., 2021; Havik and Ingul, 2022). At structural level, participants disliked lessons “which were academically challenging, repetitive and boring” (Wright, 2023, p. 87). The quality of the pedagogical approach, curriculum and having a choice over subjects appeared as a theme in Richards and Clark-Howard (2023), while the need for adjustments to learning was another supportive factor to attendance according to youth (Wright, 2023).

The above findings corroborate existing reviews of qualitative studies. Among the identified themes by Richards and Clark-Howard (2023), students’ relationships with teachers and peers emerged as the most prevalent topic. Students discussed the need of teacher support and their non-attendance as a response to negative interactions causing them to disengage. In a systematic review of existing UK-based literature on lived experiences of persistently non-attending youth, Corcoran and Kelly (2023) generated seven themes: difficult relationships with peer group, inconsistent relationships with and support from adults, negative experiences of school transition, negative experiences of learning in school, emotional wellbeing and mental health needs, others’ negative perceptions of the individual’s needs, personal beliefs about attendance. Through the synthesis, an overarching higher-order concept was developed which exemplifies the relation between macrosystems. It captures the need of a sense of belonging which holds “the positive experiences of feeling connected, listened to and receiving individualized support as conducive to regular school attendance “(Corcoran and Kelly, 2023, p. 10).

Previous research has provided valuable insights into SAPs, but there are a few gaps that require further exploration. In understanding SAPs and support, there is a need “to include perspectives on who is most affected: the student.” (Warne et al., 2020, p. 4). In addition, the existing literature often emphasizes hindering factors contributing to SAPs, while overlooking the investigation of factors and supports that help students overcome these challenges or promote school attendance. Therefore, a more balanced approach is needed to fully understand the interplay of risk and protective factors in the development of SAPs. A qualitative study can allow us to analyze what is perceived as helpful and how, in what kind of situations, it unfolds as a protective mechanism in relation to risks.

Most notably, a common feature of young people’s histories were experiences and reflections surrounding mental health challenges, including depression, trauma and social anxiety. The statements highlight how difficulties in attending school result from the interplay between mental health problems, low self-esteem and external stressors in the school environment, such as academic pressure or transitions between educational stages.

Leila displays an example of how performance pressure can also increase mental health issues. It seems that mental illness or a diagnosis were onset factors to their non-attendance while other students had experienced these as a result or maintenance factors to attendance problems and changes in environment. Nadja mentioned the transition and adjustment from primary to secondary school as stressful factor that was connected to lower self-esteem and the fear of making mistakes or being ridiculed in front of the class.

This category encompasses youths’ experiences of disconnection and detachment from the social environment in school, particularly the impact of peer relations. A central topic was the experience of bullying and victimization in class. On the one hand, negative interactions and problems with peers were described as making them feel uncomfortable and as a consequence, they stayed away from school:

On the other hand, the fear of negative reactions from peers evoked negative emotional feelings, somatic complaints and reduced wellbeing in class.

When asked about reasons why youth do not attend school, students mention negative interactions with peers that are perceived as stressful and affecting the motivation to come to school.

This category is derived from descriptions of youth regarding teacher behaviors, classroom dynamics, and delivery of education that created a sense of being pushed away from meaningful learning opportunities. Statements in this category address the impact of teachers on students’ school experiences, including perspectives on relationships with teachers, as well as teaching methods and pressure exerted by teachers that affect motivation, engagement and enjoyment in class. Students described that school was boring, or that teaching methods did not meet their skill level.

Another common topic in statements were stress experiences, especially related to perceived high academic demands, exams and grades. Students feel that stress and anxiety intensified if they did not meet schools’ and teachers’ performance expectations.

This category concerns descriptions of youths’ situation and experiences at home, as it affected their attendance behavior. Amira describes feelings of helplessness and exhaustion due to parent’s sickness, caring for siblings and financial instability. Janik feels pressure from his parents, such as the expectation to advance to higher levels in education and perform well in school.

Overall, youth talk about parental behaviors or stress at home that placed emotional burden on them, and thus impacted students’ ability to attend school and/or cope with school demands.

This main category emerged as central topic when listening to students’ voices about what has helped or still helps them to attend school. The quotes indicate assets and personal strengths of students to handle difficult situations and strive for aspired educational pathways, including self-regulation abilities, optimism and future orientation, dimensions known from the literature on personal resilience (Thun-Hohenstein et al., 2020).

Most of students’ responses were coded in this main category. Subsumed under this category were statements indicating subjective perceptions of the quality of social interactions, relational characteristics, and involvement in the learning environment that demonstrate a sense of school belonging and relatedness as components of well-being and health (Allen et al., 2016). Feeling connected to school acts as a protective mechanism that plays a central role in shaping school attendance outcomes at multiple ecological levels, not just at a single ecological level.

This main category emphasizes youth voices on the importance of fostering positive relationships between families and schools, as well as implementing proactive measures to address issues promptly and effectively.

With regard to RQ1, we identified mental health problems, including descriptions of emotional distress, anxiety, somatic and depression symptoms in youths’ stories as reason for SAPs. These findings are consistent with risk factors for the development of school refusal and chronic absenteeism reported in quantitative and qualitative literature (Baker and Bishop, 2015; Finning et al., 2019; Gubbels et al., 2019; Malika et al., 2021; McKay-Brown and Birioukov, 2021; Leduc et al., 2022; Corcoran and Kelly, 2023; Benoit et al., 2024). Youth descriptions suggest an interplay with contextual aspects, where school or teachers placing high demands on their performance led to increased stress levels and decreased motivation. Looking at students’ reports from our study, they seem to experience certain stressors in environmental contexts that have reciprocal and unintended effects on emotional well-being and attendance behavior (e.g., performance pressure). In fact, some of these have been identified as psychosocial risk factors for SAPs (Wille et al., 2008; Ross, 2016; Gubbels et al., 2019), and as factors listed in other qualitative research, such as strict and harsh teaching styles (Dannow et al., 2020) or pressure of completing exams (Corcoran and Kelly, 2023). Students’ complaints emphasize how negative interactions with teachers and the stress of academic expectations contribute to adverse educational experiences for students. Similar to above, the findings point to the critical role of mental health in influencing school attendance and participation, highlighting the negative impact of school environments to trigger emotional distress.

In contrast, the category of “personal resilience” revealed internal assets that strengthened students’ connection to school. Students from our study presented future optimism, set goals and aspired academic post-secondary academic pathways that affected their willingness to attend and engage in school, despite negative experiences. Motivation to perform as a positive factor to attendance is evidenced in literature on youth voices (Nuttall and Woods, 2013; Baker and Bishop, 2015; How, 2015; Dannow et al., 2020; Kljakovic et al., 2021; Corcoran and Kelly, 2023). However, students in our study described specific extrinsic motivators, including the pressure to achieve high grades and pass exams to obtain a favorable school-leaving certificate or job qualification. These statements highlight that motivation and hopes for the future do not develop in a vacuum but as the result of interactive dynamics of each ecological system. By attending school, students probably feel better prepared to succeed with their school-leaving exams and therefore better prepared for post-secondary education and employment. German youth in Heckner’s (2013) study talked about this topic in a similar way, as grades and graduation certificates determined their opportunities for participation in society. We assume that attitudes about the importance of a school-leaving certificate are mediated by distal factors. First, students in Year 10 are entering late adolescence with possible changes in self-identity and beliefs about their future (e.g., chronosystem). Second, schools’ and family’ expectations and beliefs about education and the need for certificates to access post-secondary education or training in the German context may have impacted motivational attitudes. The potential link between the value of academic achievement and future educational opportunities could be an indicator of how structural contexts influence the development of engagement among youths (Clycq et al., 2017; Melvin et al., 2019), but also their interpretation of how support in schools should be structured.

Students who felt empowered with higher levels of self-esteem and coping abilities seemed to be more resistant to both negative school experiences and mental health issues that impacted attendance behavior. This is in line with previous research that outlined self-efficacy and self-regulation as areas of protective influence to overcome internalizing symptoms associated with SAPs (Heckner, 2013; Ingul and Nordahl, 2013; Wright, 2023). Statements from students in our study can extend Corcoran and Kelly’s observation in their review of qualitative studies about how youths with experience of attendance challenges characterize their situation as non-coping (Corcoran and Kelly, 2023). In this regard, our findings support a more strengths-based understanding of how the ability to cope with negative experiences or feelings serves as a buffer to reduce or prevent SAPs.

However, our study suggests that well-being and coping was built through the perception of positive relations and social support in microsystemic environments. This suggestion supports earlier qualitative studies that show that positive experiences of school and support from adults encourage individual resiliency (Heckner, 2013; Heyne et al., 2021).

Related to RQ1, almost all interviewed youth express that difficult relationships with peers, particularly bullying, were one onset factor that intensified negative emotions, stress and (social) anxiety which made them stay away from school or lessons. This is in line with previous studies suggesting that peer problems are a risk factor for both anxiety and absenteeism (Malcolm et al., 2003; Malika et al., 2021; Leduc et al., 2022; Schlesier et al., 2023). However, descriptions of negative reactions from classmates did not contribute directly to SAPs. Rather, these experiences resulted in lower well-being and internalizing problems, which then affected attendance behavior. The experience of bullying was linked to transitions to secondary school, which could be an indicator to a chronosystemic factor that contributed to attendance difficulties (Corcoran and Kelly, 2023). The situations of youth illustrate how the accumulation of risk factors put them at higher risk of school disengagement (Tomaszewska-Pękała et al., 2020; Corcoran and Kelly, 2023).

In contrast, related to the theme of RQ2, the main category of “Feelings of Connectedness and Belonging in School” presents an area of resilience in microsystems of students. One key set of factors with protective function in the development of SAPs relates to the school environment, namely social support sources from interpersonal interactions (Malecki and Demaray, 2003). Youths’ perceptions of being supported is a central theme in our study. It seems to be strongly linked to a sense of belonging, well-being, agency, and self-determination which in turn increases the engagement to stay/return to school and education, which aligns with theoretical understandings (Rohlfs, 2011; Rose et al., 2013; Wilkins and Bost, 2014; Allen et al., 2016; Tomaszewska-Pękała et al., 2020; Ricking, 2023b).

At peer level, the availability of supportive and trusting friends or classmates could ameliorate risk experiences of students. This is confirmed by existing research (How, 2015; Heyne et al., 2021; Richards and Clark-Howard, 2023). There is a need to explore how friendships play a different role in students’ microsystem, e.g., peers may have differential impacts on attendance difficulties depending on different age phases.

Students’ perceptions in our study reveal the protective function of student-teacher relationships and teacher support in the microsystem school. Essentially, experienced supportive relationships were characterized by teachers who listened, showed understanding and provided assistance in overcoming negative feelings related to attendance. These descriptions are consistent with themes found in qualitative studies (Nuttall and Woods, 2013; How, 2015; Gabrielsen and Havik, 2021; Heyne et al., 2021; McKay-Brown and Birioukov, 2021; Corcoran and Kelly, 2023; Sundelin et al., 2023). This can also be confirmed by previous quantitatively oriented research (Ingul et al., 2012; Rasasingham, 2015; Korpershoek et al., 2020; Malika et al., 2021; Lee et al., 2023).

What seems particularly distinctive to our study is that teachers were the primary reason given for going back to school or attend lessons. Apart from teachers, students also named other professions in school that act as a support source in coping with challenges related to attendance. However, they were not attributed the same prominent role as teachers.

In our study, youths emphasize that the effectiveness of emotional support from school professionals depends on the quality of the contact and on emotional problems and needs being taken seriously. This is similar to previous findings suggesting that support should be provided in a personalized way (Corcoran and Kelly, 2023) and meet emotional well-being and learning needs (Dannow et al., 2020; Wright, 2023). In youth’s stories, we observe a high degree of self-reflection regarding their own active role in seeking help and communicating with adults to address concerns and prevent the development of SAPs. This implies that relationships develop their protective effect on reducing SAPs through the link between perceptions of available, caring support and students’ determination to accept this support (Malecki and Demaray, 2003).

In line with these findings and theory, we argue that relational elements within the school environment provide a key area of resilience, contributing to engagement and thereby school attendance. As such, good relations with peers and school-based professionals contributed to positive school experiences, well-being and connectedness to school, while bullying contributed to reduced well-being and non-attendance. This is emphasized in descriptions of students to strengthen positive connections between classmates, indicating an inclusive school climate where young people are seen and taken seriously which, in turn, can lead to higher engagement.

Concluding, a supportive school environment entails both close relationships with a caring adult, peers, and opportunities for meaningful participation as conducive to school attendance. This aspect corroborates the concept by Corcoran and Kelly (2023) of the need of a sense of belonging. However, our findings extend this by the suggestion that the balance between experienced socio-emotional support, feelings of acceptance or belonging, abilities for handling challenging situations contribute to resilience formation and facilitate attendance (Tomaszewska-Pękała et al., 2020, p. 457).

Another area that is relevant in relation to risk and resilience was the family setting, from our sample reported on family as barrier to their attendance. As one reason, parental illness and death in family was mentioned as a reason. One girl described the herself in the role of a young carer, a phenomenon described in the literature as a risk factor for absenteeism (Ricking and Albers, 2019).

In relation to conditions at home, students describe parents pushing too hard by imposing high expectations on their child’s academic outcome. This perception could relate to the significance of performance and grades to access advanced certificates in the German education context. It is conceivable that academic pressure is not only exerted by teachers, but also by parents that seem to cause stress-related feelings about school. Similar to the literature on SAPs of children of migrants (Brault et al., 2022), their parents’ hopes for academic success may be the source of academic pressure. However, it is not only students from transcultural backgrounds in our study who face high parental expectations for academic success, which seems to add to students’ stress load. In contrast, almost all students in our study highlighted the significance of parents in encouraging attendance, e.g., shaping positive attitudes towards attendance despite negative school experiences. The influence of family support in helping students re-engage after a period of absence was also discussed in other studies (Richards and Clark-Howard, 2023).

Students referred to school-family communication as a necessary intervention effort to address SAPs of the child. Although school-family communication has been identified in other studies (Nuttall and Woods, 2013; Hendron and Kearney, 2016; Corcoran and Kelly, 2023), recommendations from students in our study about what this communication should look like have not been previously reported. From students’ perspective, communication is most effective when schools emphasize the negative effects of absenteeism on attainment of school-leaving certificates, future employment, and overall academic performance. This seemed even more important in cases where parents became a maintaining factor for SAPs because they lack interest in school work, something that has been shown as risk factor (Benoit et al., 2024). It can be presumed that hopes and personal aspirations for academic success in connection with society’s expectations may have influenced students’ suggestions about how schools “educate” families on the significance of school attendance. For example, experiences of education in family and the transmitted meaning of education in school might be reflected in these suggestions.

Findings from our study also suggest that structural aspects of learning, teaching and the organizational- institutional structure can have both negative and positive influence on attendance.

Students mentioned engaging teaching practices as helpful for attendance. On the one hand, they refer to a pedagogical teaching concept where teachers consider individual interests and not only curriculum-based content. Elements of creative and “fun” lessons are a shared desire to increase enjoyable learning experiences and improve attendance. However, influenced by German education policy and curriculum, teachers only have limited options of implementing variation in teaching contents. On the other hand, however, students describe motivational and attentive teachers who adapt their instructional language to meet academic levels. In this respect, the style of teaching can be influenced by teachers’ personality and characterize the immediate environment (microsystem). The teacher as a person seemed as a helpful factor in building motivation to attend a lesson. This is supported by qualitative and quantitative studies which highlight the need for adjustment and personalized instruction (Henry and Huizinga, 2007; Dannow et al., 2020; Heyne et al., 2021; Corcoran and Kelly, 2023; Richards and Clark-Howard, 2023). Still, pedagogy and curriculum do not seem to have direct influence on students’ ability to attend school, but rather contribute to a broader academic sphere (El Zaatari and Maalouf, 2022) that shapes the sense of school belonging as protective mechanism.

Another aspect of adjustment to needs included spaces for relaxation, recreation and withdrawal. These settings seemed to facilitate students’ ability of coping with emotional distress. Thus, it also exerted a positive effect on well-being and the perception of a positive school climate, ultimately supporting attendance. This finding illustrates how structural settings function as protective factors in relation to risks by supporting students’ resilience and positive perceptions of the context. It further confirms findings from other research on the role of safe settings on coping (Heyne et al., 2021) and shows that we need to consider the interaction of protective factors in order to understand the positive effects on strengthening school attendance can have a calm and safe setting was shown to facilitate coping among students with internalizing problems who feel unwell at school.

One main finding that has not been touched upon previously in qualitative studies is the topic of legal measures, (e.g., fines) that are quite unique to intervention approaches in addressing absenteeism the German context. The students’ perceptions of this system of sanctions are ambivalent. For some, the financial consequence connected to the fine has a preventive effect to keep non-attendance levels low. However, the threat of this type of legal punishment does not guarantee attendance in the form of active engagement in learning but may mean that the student is physically present but not mentally engaged (Kearney and Gonzálvez, 2022). Among students, there seems to be an awareness about not issuing sanctions too fast. Rather, the investigation of reasons in a case of absenteeism might be more appropriate. Still, this pattern needs to further investigated.