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<journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">Front. Commun.</journal-id>
<journal-title-group>
<journal-title>Frontiers in Communication</journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title abbrev-type="pubmed">Front. Commun.</abbrev-journal-title>
</journal-title-group>
<issn pub-type="epub">2297-900X</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name>Frontiers Media S.A.</publisher-name>
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<article-meta>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.3389/fcomm.2026.1781292</article-id>
<article-version article-version-type="Version of Record" vocab="NISO-RP-8-2008"/>
<article-categories>
<subj-group subj-group-type="heading">
<subject>Original Research</subject>
</subj-group>
</article-categories>
<title-group>
<article-title>Engaging with scientific knowledge in hospital settings: a qualitative study of information sources and barriers among healthcare professionals</article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes">
<name>
<surname>Pilskog</surname>
<given-names>Veronica Kvalen</given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"><sup>1</sup></xref>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff2"><sup>2</sup></xref>
<xref ref-type="corresp" rid="c001"><sup>&#x002A;</sup></xref>
<uri xlink:href="https://loop.frontiersin.org/people/3223410"/>
<role vocab="credit" vocab-identifier="https://credit.niso.org/" vocab-term="Writing &#x2013; original draft" vocab-term-identifier="https://credit.niso.org/contributor-roles/writing-original-draft/">Writing &#x2013; original draft</role>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="aff1"><label>1</label><institution>Department of Communication, Volda University College</institution>, <city>Volda</city>, <country country="no">Norway</country></aff>
<aff id="aff2"><label>2</label><institution>Department of Media and Communication, University of Oslo</institution>, <city>Oslo</city>, <country country="no">Norway</country></aff>
<author-notes>
<corresp id="c001"><label>&#x002A;</label>Correspondence: Veronica Kvalen Pilskog, <email xlink:href="mailto:veronica.kvalen.pilskog@hivolda.no">veronica.kvalen.pilskog@hivolda.no</email></corresp>
</author-notes>
<pub-date publication-format="electronic" date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2026-02-24">
<day>24</day>
<month>02</month>
<year>2026</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date publication-format="electronic" date-type="collection">
<year>2026</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>11</volume>
<elocation-id>1781292</elocation-id>
<history>
<date date-type="received">
<day>05</day>
<month>01</month>
<year>2026</year>
</date>
<date date-type="rev-recd">
<day>04</day>
<month>02</month>
<year>2026</year>
</date>
<date date-type="accepted">
<day>13</day>
<month>02</month>
<year>2026</year>
</date>
</history>
<permissions>
<copyright-statement>Copyright &#x00A9; 2026 Pilskog.</copyright-statement>
<copyright-year>2026</copyright-year>
<copyright-holder>Pilskog</copyright-holder>
<license>
<ali:license_ref start_date="2026-02-24">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</ali:license_ref>
<license-p>This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the <ext-link ext-link-type="uri" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY)</ext-link>. The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.</license-p>
</license>
</permissions>
<abstract>
<sec>
<title>Introduction</title>
<p>Healthcare professionals are expected to remain professionally current and practice in accordance with evidence-based guidelines. However, they frequently encounter barriers such as time constraints, information overload, and limited institutional support. This study explores how physicians and nurses in Norwegian hospitals engage with scientific knowledge in their clinical practice, as well as how various factors at the individual, organizational, and contextual levels influence this engagement. The study draws on the integrated behavioral model, media richness theory, and media synchronicity theory to guide analysis and interpretation.</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>Methods</title>
<p>Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 12 physicians and 10 nurses from emergency, orthopedic, and surgical departments across three Norwegian hospitals. Thematic analysis was then conducted following Braun and Clarke&#x2019;s six-phase approach, which was informed by the abovementioned theoretical frameworks.</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>Results</title>
<p>Healthcare professionals relied on a combination of interpersonal communication, digital tools, clinical guidelines, and scientific literature to remain informed. Peer interactions and local protocols were the most frequently used resources. Engagement with scientific knowledge was typically reactive and context-driven, rather than planned. Barriers such as time constraints, cognitive and linguistic challenges, and limited self-efficacy influenced both the selection of information sources and the level of engagement. Clinicians preferred channels that were task-relevant, time-efficient, and easily accessible during clinical workflow.</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>Discussion</title>
<p>The findings indicate that clinicians adaptively blend different communication channels, often using lean or asynchronous channels for sensemaking tasks traditionally associated with richer formats. While media richness and media synchronicity theories help explain the use of different channels, they may not fully account for how clinicians streamline communication tasks in practice. The integrated behavioral model explains various behavioral patterns, but does not fully capture spontaneous or internally motivated learning. These results emphasize the importance of aligning science communication and organizational support with clinicians&#x2019; real-world constraints and preferences.</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>Conclusion</title>
<p>Although clinicians are motivated to remain current, their engagement with scientific knowledge is influenced by environmental constraints, personal confidence, and cultural norms. Practice increasing scientific knowledge requires not only access to information, but also organizational and social structures that support flexible and responsive learning.</p>
</sec>
</abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd>health communication</kwd>
<kwd>healthcare professionals</kwd>
<kwd>hospital context</kwd>
<kwd>information sources</kwd>
<kwd>integrated behavioral model</kwd>
<kwd>qualitative research</kwd>
<kwd>scientific knowledge</kwd>
</kwd-group>
<funding-group>
<funding-statement>The author(s) declared that financial support was not received for this work and/or its publication.</funding-statement>
</funding-group>
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<fig-count count="0"/>
<table-count count="0"/>
<equation-count count="0"/>
<ref-count count="33"/>
<page-count count="10"/>
<word-count count="9048"/>
</counts>
<custom-meta-group>
<custom-meta>
<meta-name>section-at-acceptance</meta-name>
<meta-value>Health Communication</meta-value>
</custom-meta>
</custom-meta-group>
</article-meta>
</front>
<body>
<sec sec-type="intro" id="sec1">
<label>1</label>
<title>Introduction</title>
<p>This study explores how physicians and nurses in Norwegian hospitals engage with scientific knowledge in their clinical practice, as well as how various factors at the individual, organizational, and contextual levels influence this engagement. Healthcare professionals are expected to work according to evidence-based practice, including keeping updated on scientific knowledge. However, fulfilling these expectations is challenging in everyday clinical work. Clinicians frequently encounter barriers such as time constraints, information overload, and limited institutional support. These challenges have been well documented in previous research. Studies over several decades have shown that healthcare professionals rely on colleagues alongside journals and textbooks to stay professionally current (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">Davies and Harrison, 2007</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">Haug, 1997</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref30">Verhoeven et al., 1995</xref>) These findings demonstrate that informal peer consultation and conventional literature have long been central to how clinicians remain informed.</p>
<p>Both early and contemporary research highlight the barriers that impede health professionals&#x2019; information-seeking and implementation of new knowledge. Time constraints, limited search skills, and the overwhelming volume of information to sift through are frequently cited obstacles (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">Daei et al., 2020</xref>). Despite the proliferation of digital tools, many clinicians have found it challenging to incorporate them into their practice. For example, many hospital nurses still prefer quick sources such as Google or asking colleagues for information over using specialized databases, often due to a lack of time and inadequate training in literature retrieval (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">Alving et al., 2018</xref>). More recent qualitative studies support these findings. <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref32">Wohlfarth et al. (2024)</xref> found that general practitioners in Switzerland relied heavily on peer communication, even as digital learning platforms became more widespread during the COVID-19 pandemic. While these platforms presented new opportunities, participants highlighted technical difficulties and information overload as ongoing concerns.</p>
<p>Taken together, the literature makes it clear that remaining current with scientific knowledge is not just a professional obligation, but a demanding and complex task influenced by profession-specific contexts, institutional limitations, and personal factors. In hospital settings where decisions must be made quickly and accurately, access to relevant, timely, and actionable scientific knowledge is not just a convenience; it is essential for patient safety and the quality of care. Globally, one in ten patients is harmed in healthcare settings, and unsafe care is estimated to cause over three million deaths annually (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21">Klazinga and Slawomirski, 2022</xref>). In Norway, the country focused on in this study, healthcare professionals are legally required to keep their knowledge current (Health Personnel Act, 1999, &#x00A7; 4). Ensuring that professionals can easily access and apply research findings in clinical settings is therefore a legal and ethical obligation as well as a critical public health priority.</p>
<p>Despite extensive research on barriers to keep current, there is limited understanding of how healthcare professionals in hospital settings actually engage with different sources of scientific knowledge in their everyday work, and why some sources are perceived as useful while others are ignored. This gap is particularly salient in hospitals, where complex organizational structures and demanding work conditions shape how information is accessed and used. This study addresses this gap by empirically examining how established behavioral and communication frameworks operate in everyday hospital practice. By integrating behavioral and communication perspectives, the study demonstrates how healthcare professionals adapt information sources and learning practices in ways that challenge key theoretical assumptions, particularly those emphasizing planned behavior and clearly separated communication functions in time-pressured clinical contexts.</p>
<p>To address these dynamics, the present study draws on the interdisciplinary field of science communication, which examines how scientific knowledge is shared, interpreted, and utilized across societal and professional contexts. Consistent with <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref29">Sch&#x00E4;fer et al. (2015)</xref>, science communication is broadly defined to encompass &#x201C;all forms of communication focused on scientific knowledge or scientific work, both within and outside institutional science, including its production, content, use, and effects&#x201D; (p. 13). From this perspective, science communication in hospitals involves not only the dissemination of research findings but also the everyday practices through which knowledge is evaluated, applied, and negotiated among professionals. Despite a growing emphasis on science communication, reinforced by the broader impact mandates of funders (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref26">Newman, 2019</xref>), healthcare professionals still struggle to navigate a fragmented information landscape. Hospitals are complex organizations characterized by strict deadlines, schedules, and routines (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref27">Nunstedt et al., 2020</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref28">R&#x00F8;vik et al., 2007</xref>). Previous studies have emphasized not only practical but also structural and cognitive barriers to knowledge use. One of the most significant challenges for busy clinicians is keeping up with the ever-growing body of literature (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">Alper et al., 2004</xref>). To remain informed about just 25% of orthopedic trials, clinicians would need subscriptions to 13 journals (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref31">Wijenayake et al., 2015</xref>). However, while they spend only 1&#x2013;2&#x202F;h per week on reviewing the literature, they still report high confidence in their knowledge (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18">Gross et al., 2023</xref>).</p>
<p>Healthcare professionals have access to awide range of web-based information sources, including push-based resources (e.g., newsletters), active information-seeking tools (e.g., databases), collaborative platforms (e.g., social media), and synthesis tools (e.g., systematic reviews) (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">Bougioukas et al., 2020</xref>). However, the perceived usefulness and everyday application of these sources vary widely. Research suggests that the effectiveness of communication depends not only on <italic>what</italic> is communicated, but also on the context, format, and mode of delivery (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">Davies et al., 2021</xref>). In hospital settings, an emerging challenge is communication overload. <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">Barrett et al. (2021)</xref> found that asynchronous channels, such as email and voicemail, can contribute to overload, whereas synchronous channels, such as huddles or team meetings, may help alleviate it. In a later study, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">Barrett et al. (2023b)</xref> investigated how hospital nurses experience communication overload in a context of increasing organizational demands and limited support. A key finding is that the organizational practice of mandating (requiring mandatory overtime due to staffing shortages) is the most significant obstacle to effective risk and safety communication.</p>
<p>To examine these dynamics, this study draws on three theoretical frameworks: the integrated behavioral model, media richness theory, and media synchronicity theory. At the heart of the framework lies the integrated behavioral model, developed by Fishbein and others (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">Fishbein, 2009</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">Fishbein and Ajzen, 2010</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref25">Montano and Kasprzyk, 2015</xref>). This model incorporates and merges elements from the theory of reasoned action and the theory of planned behavior, offering a more comprehensive framework for understanding and predicting behavior. While the term &#x201C;integrative model&#x201D; has been used in earlier literature (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">Fishbein, 2009</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">Fishbein and Ajzen, 2010</xref>), the designation &#x201C;integrated behavioral model&#x201D; has become the more commonly adopted term in recent public health and behavioral science research (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref25">Montano and Kasprzyk, 2015</xref>). For clarity and consistency, this terminology is used throughout this paper.</p>
<p>According to the integrated behavioral model, behavior is determined primarily by an individual&#x2019;s intention to perform it. Intention is influenced by three main constructs: attitude towards the behavior, perceived social norms, and personal agency, including self-efficacy and perceived control. The model also incorporates enabling or constraining factors that moderate the relationship between intention and action, such as time availability, skills, habits, and environmental constraints. In clinical contexts, this means that even highly motivated professionals may not engage with scientific knowledge if they lack time, confidence, or institutional support.</p>
<p>While the integrated behavioral model may help explain <italic>why</italic> healthcare professionals may or may not engage with scientific knowledge, it does not fully address <italic>how</italic> the nature of information sources influences this behavior. To explore this communicative dimension, the study draws on two media theories. Media richness theory (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">Daft and Lengel, 1986</xref>) suggests that information sources differ in their capacity to transmit rich, nuanced information. Richer media, such as face-to-face communication, can more effectively transmit complex or ambiguous information, while leaner media, such as email, are better suited for routine, unambiguous tasks. However, richer communication is not always superior; the choice of communication channel depends on factors such as task complexity, the need for feedback, and interpersonal cues (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">Daft and Lengel, 1986</xref>). Expanding on this idea, media synchronicity theory (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">Dennis et al., 2008</xref>) distinguishes between two communication processes: conveyance and convergence. Conveyance refers to the transmission of information that the receiver can process independently, often via asynchronous media. By contrast, convergence involves interactive exchange aimed at reaching a shared understanding, best supported by synchronous, high-feedback media. These theories help explain why certain information sources are more effective than others in specific clinical contexts. For example, a study by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">Kashian and Mirzaei (2019)</xref> found that asynchronous channels are most effective for conveying pure information, whereas synchronous channels are better suited for collaborative decision-making and problem-solving.</p>
<p>By combining these frameworks, this study investigates how physicians and nurses in Norwegian hospitals engage with scientific knowledge in their everyday clinical practice. Engagement with scientific knowledge refers here as the ways which healthcare professionals interact with and utilize research evidence in their work. This study addresses the following research questions:</p>
<list list-type="bullet">
<list-item>
<p><italic>RQ1:</italic> Which information sources do hospital-based healthcare professionals engage with to remain professionally current?</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p><italic>RQ2:</italic> What individual, organizational, and contextual factors influence how these healthcare professionals engage with scientific knowledge in clinical practice?</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="materials|methods" id="sec2">
<label>2</label>
<title>Materials and methods</title>
<p>This qualitative study explored how healthcare professionals in hospitals engage with scientific knowledge in clinical practice. The study was part of an interdisciplinary [Project Number 313902] funded by the Norwegian Research Council and approved by the Norwegian Agency for Shared Services in Education and Research [Reference Number 320074].</p>
<sec id="sec3">
<label>2.1</label>
<title>Study design and sampling</title>
<p>A qualitative design using semi-structured interviews was chosen for its ability to elicit rich, detailed accounts of experiences, beliefs, behavior, and opinions (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8001">Brinkmann and Tanggaard, 2010</xref>). Participants were recruited through hospital administration, personal networks, and snowball sampling (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">Creswell and Poth, 2016</xref>). We aimed to ensure diversity across profession, department, and levels of experience. This strategic sampling was intended to capture variations in how different professional roles engage with knowledge.</p>
<p>The final sample included 22 participants, consisting of 12 physicians (nine male, three female) and 10 nurses (four male, six female) aged 25&#x2013;67. These participants were employed in emergency, orthopedic, or surgical departments at three hospitals affiliated with the Central Norway Regional Health Authority: Hospital A (eight participants), Hospital B (seven participants), and Hospital C (seven participants). The physicians in the sample were chief physicians (six), resident physicians (four), and medical interns (two). Among the nurses, six had primary nursing education, while four had additional education in advanced nursing (three) or health management (one). As emphasized by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref24">Malterud (2017)</xref>, variation in expertise is an essential factor in qualitative research to ensure a broad range of experiences and perspectives.</p>
<p>Participation was voluntary and based on informed consent. All participants received written and oral information prior to the interviews. Data were anonymized to guarantee confidentiality.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec4">
<label>2.2</label>
<title>Data collection process</title>
<p>Interviews were conducted between April and June 2022 in Norwegian, and ranged from 34 to 70&#x202F;min. To ensure participant comfort and confidentiality, the participants chose the interview locations (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref24">Malterud, 2017</xref>). Approximately one-third of the interviews took place at participants&#x2019; workplaces, while the rest were conducted in private meeting rooms or participants&#x2019; homes. All interviews were audio-recorded with consent and transcribed by the author.</p>
<p>A semi-structured interview guide with open-ended questions was used to encourage reflection and discussion. This format allowed for flexibility while ensuring that all key themes were explored among participants. The questions were formulated to be straightforward, neutral, and free of leading language, in line with the principles of qualitative interviews (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref23">Kvale and Brinkmann, 2018</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref24">Malterud, 2017</xref>). Sample questions included: &#x201C;How do you keep yourself professionally current?&#x201D; and &#x201C;What challenges do you encounter in remaining professionally current?&#x201D; While all topics were covered in each interview, the sequence of questions varied, allowing for a more natural flow of conversation (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">Kvale and Brinkmann, 2015</xref>). The guide was refined after four pilot interviews, including three physicians and one nurse, which confirmed the value of including multiple professional roles. Specifically developed for this study, the interview guide is available as <xref rid="SM1" ref-type="supplementary-material">Supplementary File 1</xref>.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec5">
<label>2.3</label>
<title>Data analysis</title>
<p>The interview transcripts were analyzed using thematic analysis, following Braun and Clarke&#x2019;s six-phase framework (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">Braun and Clarke, 2006</xref>, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref8">2019</xref>). NVivo software was used to organize the data and assist with coding. This analysis took a primarily theoretical (top-down) thematic approach, meaning that the coding was guided by the study&#x2019;s research questions and relevant theoretical perspectives.</p>
<p>In the first phase, each transcript was carefully read repeatedly to ensure a thorough familiarity with the content. In the second phase, initial codes were systematically generated across the dataset. A code represents a meaningful segment of data that relates to the research questions or theoretical constructs. For example, the statement &#x201C;I can always ask [my colleagues] if I have any questions&#x201D; was coded as an instance of peer-based learning, capturing a peer-supported learning opportunity.</p>
<p>In the third phase, the codes were examined for patterns and grouped into broader themes based on semantic and conceptual similarity. For example, codes related to informal on-the-job discussions and learning from peers were consolidated into a theme labeled &#x201C;peer learning.&#x201D; Similarly, codes highlighting time constraints, shift work, and lack of reading time were combined into a theme called &#x201C;environmental constraints.&#x201D; For example, one participant noted, &#x201C;I could never sit in my office for an hour during work to read; I can&#x2019;t set aside that $time,&#x201D; which exemplified a time constraint code feeding into the broader environmental constraints theme of limited learning opportunities.</p>
<p>In the fourth phase, the preliminary themes were reviewed and refined to ensure they coherently reflected the coded data and were distinct from each other. In the fifth phase, each theme was clearly defined and named. In the sixth phase, the themes were integrated into an analytic narrative and the report was produced. This involved weaving together the themes and supporting data excerpts to tell a coherent story addressing the research questions. Illustrative quotes were carefully chosen to provide example and enhance the analysis. In this writing phase, the results of the thematic analysis were presented, demonstrating how each theme illuminates the research problem and connects to the underlying theoretical perspectives.</p>
<p>The analysis was iterative and reflexive throughout the process. The researcher moved back and forth between the raw data, codes, and themes, reflecting on and refining interpretations. This recursive approach ensured that the final themes were firmly rooted in the interview material and relevant in relation to the study&#x2019;s research questions and theoretical framework.</p>
<p>Three theoretical frameworks guided the interpretation of findings: the integrated behavioral model (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">Fishbein and Ajzen, 2010</xref>), media richness theory (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">Daft and Lengel, 1986</xref>), and media synchronicity theory (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">Dennis et al., 2008</xref>). Rather than being applied as fixed coding schemes, these frameworks informed different stages of the analysis and the design of the interview guide.</p>
<p>The integrated behavioral model primarily informed the initial coding and categorization of data related to individual motivation, perceived norms, personal agency, and environmental constraints influencing engagement with scientific knowledge. Media richness theory and synchronicity theory were mainly used to interpret how the communicative characteristics of different communication formats&#x2014;for example, peer conversations versus digital databases&#x2014;were used in practice and the conditions under which they were deemed effective. These theoretical perspectives informed not only what was studied, but also how it was studied, providing insights into why certain sources were preferred and how they aligned with the demands of clinical routines. To strengthen the credibility of the results, the initial codes and themes were discussed with two academic supervisors for validation.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec6">
<label>2.4</label>
<title>Data management and translation</title>
<p>NVivo was used to manage and code the transcribed interviews. All analysis was conducted in Norwegian, which is the original language of the interviews and transcripts. Only the quotes included in this paper were translated into English. The author, who is fluent in both Norwegian and English, used ChatGPT to support the translation process and to enhance the overall language of the manuscript. All translations and language edits were reviewed and finalized by the author.</p>
</sec>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="results" id="sec7">
<label>3</label>
<title>Results</title>
<sec id="sec8">
<label>3.1</label>
<title>Information sources used to remain current (RQ1)</title>
<p>Participants described a diverse set of information sources used to remain professionally current. The majority of the 12 physicians and 10 nurses highlighted a combination of interpersonal interactions, institutional resources, scientific literature, and digital resources (including non-peer-reviewed tools such as online medical databases). The analysis identified five sub-themes under RQ1: interpersonal interactions and peer learning, formal education and training, scientific literature and summaries, clinical guidelines and protocols, and digital resources and <italic>ad-hoc</italic> searches.</p>
<sec id="sec9">
<label>3.1.1</label>
<title>Interpersonal interactions and peer learning</title>
<p>Across roles, respondents described colleagues and day-to-day clinical discussions as primary sources for remaining current. Nearly all participants emphasized the value of on-the-job learning through consulting peers. A medical intern in their 20s explained, &#x201C;I talk to colleagues, discuss things all the time, and ask someone with more experience&#x2026; I learn a lot from others.&#x201D; Nurses also valued peer learning, often turning to more experienced colleagues for answers or practical know-how. A nurse in their 20s shared, &#x201C;I can always ask [my colleagues] if I have any questions.&#x201D; A nurse in their 30s elaborated, &#x201C;We have many highly skilled colleagues here, both physicians and nurses, with a lot of expertise. It&#x2019;s important to draw on that by asking questions, not just accepting things as they are.&#x201D;</p>
<p>These informal consultations were described as both efficient and trustworthy, especially in a fast-paced hospital environment where quick practical guidance is needed. The preference for rich, synchronous channels such as face-to-face conversations aligns with the need to navigate task ambiguity and time constraints.</p>
<p>In addition to informal consultations, senior staff also acted as mentors. The medical intern in their 20s mentioned spending extra time with experienced colleagues because &#x201C;they&#x2019;re often the ones you ask questions and learn from.&#x201D; These interactions not only provided immediate answers, but also granted access to tacit knowledge that is difficult to obtain from written or asynchronous sources.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec10">
<label>3.1.2</label>
<title>Formal education and training</title>
<p>Both physicians and nurses engaged in structured learning opportunities, although access and frequency varied. All the physicians described attending regular departmental educational meetings. These sessions, typically held weekly, were conducted in synchronous, interactive formats such as morning case discussions or rotating presentations on various topics. These were rich, real-time communication channels that facilitated knowledge exchange, clarification, and immediate feedback.</p>
<p>Nurses reported attending significantly fewer training sessions. Several noted that what used to be weekly nursing training sessions had been reduced to occasional &#x201C;theme days&#x201D; to accommodate shift work. Both groups participated in mandatory training, such as e-learning modules. However, these sessions were asynchronous and leaner formats that offered standardized information with fewer opportunities for interactive learning.</p>
<p>Many participants, particularly physicians, also looked for externally curated content, such as conferences or specialist courses. A chief physician in their 40s emphasized the benefits of this kind of mediated learning: &#x201C;The simplest and most effective way, I think, is taking courses. Then someone else has already done the reading.&#x201D;</p>
<p>Nurses, on the other hand, often faced challenges attending such events due to staffing and scheduling barriers. Despite this, some nurses still took the initiative to enroll in relevant courses.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec11">
<label>3.1.3</label>
<title>Scientific literature and summaries</title>
<p>Many participants mentioned using scientific literature as an information source, but there were notable differences between physicians and nurses in how they engaged with such material. Physicians were more likely to seek out and read original research and curated updates. Several described keeping up with key journals and using clinical knowledge databases. A resident physician in their 20s said, &#x201C;I read the journals I receive. I have two &#x2013; one for surgeons and one general one from the Medical Association. I also read MedScape.&#x201D; Some physicians also subscribed to email alerts or newsletters that highlight new research in their field.</p>
<p>Nurses, by contrast, tended to rely primarily on filtered or summarized content. They frequently mentioned their union&#x2019;s journal, <italic>Sykepleien</italic>, and hospital circulars as sources. These summaries, often available in Norwegian and intended for clinical practice, were presented in more concise and accessible media formats that aligned with time constraints and workflow needs.</p>
<p>These differences may partly reflect educational backgrounds: physicians typically undergo extensive training in reading and evaluating scientific literature as part of their medical education, while nurses often hold bachelor&#x2019;s degrees with less emphasis on critically appraising research. This distinction also appeared to be influenced by interest and confidence, which are factors that are further explored under RQ2.</p>
<p>Nurses often perceived in-depth research reading as less immediately necessary for day-to-day care unless directly relevant to a specific patient case. One nurse in their 40s admitted, with a self-deprecating laugh, &#x201C;I&#x2019;m not that good at keeping current. I read <italic>Sykepleien</italic> maybe three or four times a year. And we have a couple of professional development days, but it&#x2019;s nothing to brag about.&#x201D; Even a chief physician in their 40s conceded, &#x201C;I read very few articles.&#x201D;</p>
<p>Therefore, although scientific literature was respected in principle, actual engagement was selective and influenced by time constraints, perceived task relevance, and cognitive load. To manage this, many individuals relied on secondary sources to filter and simplify complex content, a form of triaging that allowed them to focus on information with immediate practical utility. This is consistent with media theories that propose individuals choose their information channels based on the requirements of the task: more detailed and complex media are used for high-ambiguity situations when time and motivation permit.</p>
<p>Participants expressed some guilt or ambivalence about not reading more, stating, for example, &#x201C;I know I should read more papers,&#x201D; but pointed to time constraints and the effort required to digest dense material. The role of attitudes and self-efficacy is examined later under RQ2.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec12">
<label>3.1.4</label>
<title>Clinical guidelines and protocols</title>
<p>International, national, and internal hospital guidelines emerged as universally important sources for remaining current. Both physicians and nurses emphasized the need to keep abreast of clinical recommendations, standard operating procedures, and protocols. A chief physician in their 50s was clear that &#x201C;The most important thing is to be on top of national guidelines.&#x201D; Physicians mentioned checking updates to guidelines that are relevant to their specialty. Nurses also emphasized the importance of following protocols for procedures and medications, often consulting local procedures for guidance.</p>
<p>These resources were typically accessed through local procedure databases. Participants generally found these systems to be a convenient way to access the &#x201C;latest correct way&#x201D; to perform tasks. Nurses explained that they routinely used these databases in their day-to-day care, often as their initial source for confirming procedures.</p>
<p>However, some reported limited use of these systems, citing difficulties related to accessibility, search functionality, and trust in the content. One resident physician explained that they preferred consulting national or international guidelines rather than local procedures, stating:</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>I use [the internal procedural system] very little. I usually check national or international guidelines instead. The search engine is extremely poor &#x2013; unless you have looked it up before or know the archive number, it&#x2019;s hard to find what you need.</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>While these databases were initially designed to be low-effort, standardized information tools, several participants noted obstacles in terms of access and usability. In addition, inconsistencies between institutions were mentioned by some participants, such as differing guidelines across hospitals or updates being made at different times, leading to uncertainty.</p>
<p>One nurse even likened the local procedural system to Wikipedia. However, it was still widely recognized that remaining current on guidelines and procedures was essential for ensuring safe practice. The majority of participants, regardless of their role, emphasized the importance of consulting protocols when uncertain or when encountering unfamiliar situations.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec13">
<label>3.1.5</label>
<title>Digital resources and <italic>ad hoc</italic> searches</title>
<p>In addition to formal literature and scheduled training, physicians and nurses frequently relied on various digital tools for quick access to clinical information and problem-solving. Online point-of-care resources such as UpToDate and the Norwegian Electronic Health Library (Helsebiblioteket) were often used, especially by physicians, to obtain concise, evidence-based answers during clinical decision-making. A resident physician in their 20s stated, &#x201C;If I&#x2019;m doing an operation I haven&#x2019;t done in a while, I&#x2019;ll watch a surgical video or read up beforehand.&#x201D;</p>
<p>Nurses reported using similar strategies. A nurse in their 50s noted, &#x201C;I watch a lot of procedures on YouTube, especially from American and British hospitals.&#x201D; The same nurse explained how she encouraged students to use such resources: &#x201C;I&#x2019;m not saying you shouldn&#x2019;t read the textbooks &#x2013; definitely do that. But if there&#x2019;s something you&#x2019;re really wondering about, like how it actually looks, try finding a video on YouTube.&#x201D;</p>
<p>These examples illustrate how clinicians combined formal knowledge systems with accessible, visual, and often asynchronous media. This allowed them to enhance their core knowledge with situation-specific, on-demand content. Participants acknowledged the variability in information quality, particularly on open platforms such as YouTube. As one physician pointed out, &#x201C;There&#x2019;s a ton of content on YouTube, but you have to be a bit more critical about what you&#x2019;re watching.&#x201D; Nevertheless, the easy access and immediate availability of these resources made them valuable for addressing knowledge gaps in real time.</p>
<p><italic>Ad hoc</italic> learning emerged as a recurring theme. Many participants mentioned that they tended to learn reactively, prompted by clinical uncertainty or unusual cases rather than following a set study schedule. A resident physician in their 30s stated, &#x201C;I often get motivated to look things up when I&#x2019;ve had cases at work where I realize I didn&#x2019;t know enough. That&#x2019;s when I usually read up.&#x201D; A nurse in their 30s also shared, &#x201C;It&#x2019;s often when you encounter something you haven&#x2019;t seen before, or in a long time, that you update yourself. There is rarely room to just sit and read; that&#x2019;s seldom possible as a nurse. It&#x2019;s usually because a patient case or event forces you to do so.&#x201D;</p>
<p>In general, participants prioritized learning that felt immediately relevant to patient care. Research on topics deemed more abstract or not directly applicable was usually set aside. As one nurse in their 20s admitted, &#x201C;Research that isn&#x2019;t about [day-to-day] procedures &#x2013; I think that barely reaches us.&#x201D; This reactive pattern does not reflect a lack of interest in learning so much as the reality of busy schedules and a pragmatic focus on &#x201C;what I need to know now.&#x201D; Even highly motivated professionals prioritized their learning efforts by balancing cognitive effort, relevance, and the availability of channels. Their choices suggest an intuitive awareness of media-channel fit: rich and interactive resources were preferred when time allowed, while leaner, easily accessible tools were used in the moment.</p>
</sec>
</sec>
<sec id="sec14">
<label>3.2</label>
<title>Factors influencing engagement with scientific knowledge (RQ2)</title>
<p>Responding to RQ2, both physicians and nurses described a range of individual, organizational, and contextual factors affecting their engagement with scientific knowledge in the hospital setting. To analyze these influences, the results have been categorized according to the integrated behavioral model (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref16">Fishbein and Ajzen, 2010</xref>): (a) individual attitudes and perceived relevance of remaining current, (b) environmental constraints and enabling factors, and (c) social norms and perceived control in using scientific knowledge. Each of these themes is discussed below.</p>
<sec id="sec15">
<label>3.2.1</label>
<title>Individual attitudes and perceived relevance</title>
<p>Participants across all ages and roles expressed a strong sense of personal responsibility for remaining professionally current. This motivation was often rooted in ethical concerns, patient safety, and a desire to uphold professional standards, indicating a high level of intention to continue learning. A nurse in their 30s shared the following perspective:</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>You need to stay professionally current, or else you will fall behind. What was considered good 20&#x202F;years ago, or what they thought was the best practice back then, might be the worst today. So, for the sake of our patients and to keep them as healthy as possible, we must stay current &#x2013; for my part and my own conscience.</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Physicians shared this view. A chief physician in their 50s remarked succinctly that ongoing learning is critical because &#x201C;otherwise you stagnate.&#x201D; These comments highlight how maintaining current knowledge was seen not just as a formal requirement, but as part of one&#x2019;s professional identity and internal value system.</p>
<p>Some participants directly linked learning to clinical performance and diagnostic accuracy. A medical intern in their 20s explained that the motivation to continue learning was to avoid missing potential diagnoses, stating, &#x201C;Because you are knowledgeable enough to understand what it&#x2019;s about.&#x201D;</p>
<p>However, despite shared values regarding lifelong learning, participants varied significantly in their level of engagement. Some adopted a proactive or mastery-oriented approach, driven by a desire to be perceived as skilled and reliable. One nurse in their 20s stated:</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>[My motivation is that] I want to become a better nurse than the others. Maybe not exactly like that, but there is definitely a desire to be the best. A desire to be skilled, and also to have people come to you when they have questions. To be a resource. There&#x2019;s hardly anything more rewarding than being able to help people or coworkers and teach them something new.</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Others described a more passive or compliance-based approach, engaging with new knowledge only when formally required. For example, an experienced nurse (40s) admitted to reading <italic>Sykepleien</italic> only a few times a year and attending occasional development days. A few physicians also acknowledged reading fewer articles than they felt they &#x201C;should.&#x201D; These reflections suggest that while attitudes were largely positive, actual learning behavior was moderated by perceived behavioral control. Participants&#x2019; sense of whether they had the time, energy, or confidence to follow through on their intentions played a significant role.</p>
<p>In summary, attitudes towards remaining current ranged from highly committed to relatively passive. While most participants expressed strong intentions, their actual behavior was influenced by individual differences in motivation, self-efficacy, learning preferences, and situational constraints. From the perspective of the integrated behavioral model, these findings demonstrate that even when intentions are strong, taking action depends on both internal agency and external support.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec16">
<label>3.2.2</label>
<title>Environmental constraints and enabling factors</title>
<p>When asked about barriers to remaining current, participants overwhelmingly pointed to contextual limitations such as time constraints, shift work, and high clinical workload. The hospital environment was described as fast-paced, task-heavy, and not conducive to focused study. A chief physician in their 40s stated, &#x201C;I could never sit in my office for an hour during work to read; I can&#x2019;t set aside that time.&#x201D; A nurse in their 40s echoed this sentiment, noting that there is virtually &#x201C;no time set aside during working hours, so continuing education only happens when there are training days.&#x201D;</p>
<p>From the perspective of the integrated behavioral model, these factors function as environmental constraints that may weaken the relationship between intention and behavior. Even when participants expressed a clear intention to remain professionally up-to-date, their ability to act on this intention was often hindered external circumstances beyond their control. Many reported having to shift their learning to evenings or days off. A resident physician in their 20s stated:</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>We&#x2019;re supposed to have maybe two study days a month, on average, meant for professional development or in-depth reading. But often those get spent in the operating room instead. So it ends up happening more at home. I&#x2019;d say most of it actually gets done during my free time.</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Such comments reflect the gap between intention and behavior, a core concept in information behavior models, where external demands constrain the ability to act on internal motivation.</p>
<p>In addition to time constraints, participants described interruptions and unpredictability as major obstacles. A nurse in their 60s noted being able to attend educational meetings only once every 3 months due to scheduling conflicts. A nurse in their 50s explained the tension between planned learning and clinical demands: &#x201C;There are very good plans and ideas, but then they fall apart because an alarm suddenly goes off, and people run. No time of day fits.&#x201D; These disruptions made learning fragmented and highly dependent on day-to-day circumstances.</p>
<p>Participants also reported frustration with mandatory e-learning modules, which were perceived as superficial or performative. A chief physician in their 50s remarked, &#x201C;People click through and then jump straight to the quiz. If they pass the test, they get a green check on the portal and everyone&#x2019;s happy. The learning outcome is probably very poor.&#x201D; This reflects a disconnect between institutional effort and actual learning outcomes, especially when systems do not support effective engagement.</p>
<p>In addition, participants described skill-related and psychological barriers that intersected with the structural ones. Scientific texts were often perceived as demanding and time-consuming, especially due to academic jargon and the fact that most scientific literature is in English. A resident physician in their 30s noted, &#x201C;It is hard to know where to read, be critical of sources for studies, and find the proper studies. It is not just a matter of reading a book.&#x201D; Others admitted to avoiding technical content altogether. A chief physician in their 40s shared, &#x201C;I do not read the results if they are presented in numbers. I skip that. Then maybe I just read the last two sentences.&#x201D; A nurse in their 60s similarly reflected, &#x201C;I find it difficult to read a scientific article due to the jargon used, and often it is written in English.&#x201D; These challenges point to a lack of enabling factors such as sufficient training in academic reading or critical appraisal, which can hinder the translation of intention into action. These findings demonstrate that even highly motivated professionals may face difficulties in engaging with scientific knowledge without practical, cognitive, and institutional enablers in place.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec17">
<label>3.2.3</label>
<title>Social norms and perceived behavior control</title>
<p>Social and cultural norms in the workplace influenced how participants engaged with scientific knowledge. Most described a culture of open communication and mutual learning, through informal discussions. A nurse in their 30s said, &#x201C;We ask if there is something, and there is no problem in discussing whether it is right or wrong. It is not dangerous to ask.&#x201D; Similarly, a chief physician in their 50s explained that mistakes were discussed openly in meetings so that &#x201C;others can learn,&#x201D; reflecting a supportive social norm for peer-based, real-time learning.</p>
<p>In departments with regular educational sessions, this culture was reinforced through structured, low-threshold arenas for dialogue. A chief physician in their 60s described such meetings as safe spaces: &#x201C;We can say whatever we want and embarrass ourselves as much as we want without it mattering.&#x201D; These examples suggest that shared learning is valued, but primarily in real-time, interactive formats. The norm appears to favor discussion and peer-based exchange, not individual study or systematic engagement with scientific literature outside clinical tasks.</p>
<p>Despite this supportive social environment, most participants emphasized that remaining current was ultimately perceived as a personal responsibility. A resident physician in their 20s said, &#x201C;The responsibility to remain current falls heavily on each individual. It&#x2019;s not like someone at work is constantly informing you about every change.&#x201D; A nurse in their 30s echoed this sentiment, saying, &#x201C;You can get by without updating yourself professionally at all. It is just a matter of your conscience.&#x201D; These comments point to a cultural norm of individual autonomy rather than institutional accountability. While knowledge sharing was socially supported, formal learning activities and engagement with scientific literature were largely left to personal initiative. There was no clear expectation, follow-up, or consequence for not engaging beyond immediate needs. From the perspective of the integrated behavioral model, this reflects low subjective norm pressure and limited perceived behavioral control&#x2014;clinicians felt responsible, but not expected or enabled, to maintain up-to-date knowledge through formal means.</p>
</sec>
</sec>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="discussion" id="sec18">
<label>4</label>
<title>Discussion</title>
<sec id="sec19">
<label>4.1</label>
<title>Information sources used to remain professionally current (RQ1)</title>
<p>As demonstrated in Section 3.1, healthcare professionals reported using a combination of interpersonal communication, formal training, clinical protocols, scientific literature, and digital tools to remain professionally up to date. Their choices were closely linked to task urgency, complexity, and time constraints.</p>
<p>Among these sources, peers were the most frequently used and trusted, confirming earlier studies (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">Daei et al., 2020</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">Fossum et al., 2022</xref>). These peer-learning interactions, often occurred in hallway consultations, shift handovers, or informal discussions, providing immediacy, mutual trust, and contextualized understanding. According to media synchronicity theory (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">Dennis et al., 2008</xref>), such synchronous, high-feedback interactions are well-suited for convergence tasks that require mutual understanding and coordinated action. Our findings support this interpretation, but also suggest a more dynamic interplay of media synchronicity theory: clinicians often used peer interactions not only for convergence, but also to substitute more formal conveyance processes altogether. This adaptive compression of communication functions suggests that the distinction between convergence and conveyance in media synchronicity theory may be more fluid in clinical practice than the theory assumes.</p>
<p>These interactions were not supplementary to formal learning, but often served as the primary mechanism for knowledge transfer, especially under time constraints. This supports literature from science communication emphasizing the value of dialogue-based models.</p>
<p>Structured education formats, such as departmental meetings and theme days, provided formal learning opportunities. However, access to these opportunities varied depending on professional roles. Physicians reported regular participation, while nurses faced limited access due to shift work and scheduling constraints. This discrepancy, as demonstrated in Section 3.1.2, is consistent with the concept of channel availability in media synchronicity theory. High-synchronicity formats require not only the appropriate medium, but also institutional time and support. While media synchronicity theory typically assumes that appropriate channels can be freely chosen, our data indicate that access is unevenly distributed. This highlights that perceived feasibility, rather than just theoretical fit, influences communication behavior in practice.</p>
<p>Clinical guidelines and procedures were used primarily as reference tools rather than for deeper reflection. From a media richness perspective, such sources are considered lean media, appropriate for low-ambiguity, routine tasks. However, as <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">Barrett et al. (2023a)</xref> emphasize, lean channels may be insufficient in more complex or safety-critical contexts. In those cases, richer communication formats are necessary to support nuanced understanding and shared decision-making.</p>
<p>Digital tools such as UpToDate, Helsebiblioteket, and YouTube were commonly used for <italic>ad hoc</italic> learning. Media synchronicity theory classifies these asynchronous sources as effective for conveyance, where individuals acquire and process information independently, without real-time interaction. However, our data demonstrated that these tools often supported sensemaking and situated judgment. For example, watching procedural videos served both to transfer information and to support clinical reasoning. This suggests that asynchronous tools can fulfill convergence-like functions, reinforcing the need for a more flexible application of media synchronicity in practice.</p>
<p>In summary, healthcare professionals use various channels to access scientific knowledge, and their preferences are influenced by the requirements of clinical tasks. While our findings are largely consistent with media richness and media synchronicity theory, they also reveal important theoretical blind spots: clinicians frequently adapt lean or asynchronous media to meet rich, responsive communication needs, and convergence and conveyance often occur simultaneously rather than sequentially.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec20">
<label>4.2</label>
<title>Factors influencing engagement with scientific knowledge (RQ2)</title>
<p>Participants&#x2019; engagement with scientific knowledge was influenced by a dynamic interplay of personal, environmental, and social factors. The integrated behavioral model provides a useful framework for understanding how these factors influence the relationship between intention and behavior.</p>
<p>Time constraints were the most frequently cited barrier. Participants described how learning activities were consistently deprioritized due to patient care, shift schedules, and staffing shortages, confirming findings from previous studies (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">Alving et al., 2018</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">Daei et al., 2020</xref>). From the perspective of the integrated behavioral model, limited time reflects a low perceived behavioral control: when external time resources are lacking, the likelihood of enacting an intended behavior decreases. However, the findings also indicate that perceived control is not exclusively shaped by structural limitations. Some participants, despite having similar workloads, maintained strong habits of seeking out knowledge. This suggests that perceived control encompasses both objective constraints, such as available time, and subjective dimensions, such as self-efficacy and personal prioritization. Individuals with greater confidence in their ability to incorporate learning into busy schedules were more successful in doing so.</p>
<p>Cognitive and linguistic barriers also hindered engagement. Scientific literature was often viewed as overly technical, filled with jargon, and difficult to digest, especially in English. These challenges support previous findings by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref6">Bougioukas et al. (2020)</xref>, who observed that keeping up with current scientific literature is both necessary and demanding. The integrated behavioral model suggests that, even with strong intention, behavior necessitates sufficient knowledge and skills. When content is perceived as inaccessible, self-efficacy may be undermined, reducing engagement. Participants preferred more accessible synthesis formats, such as summaries that could reduce the barrier for regular use. This also raises a conceptual question: Does reading a summary carry the same weight as reading a full article? The integrated behavioral model helps address this tension by emphasizing the significance of enabling conditions, but it does not consider the quality or depth of behavioral engagement. This represents a potential blind spot in the model when applied to knowledge work.</p>
<p>Social and cultural factors played a significant role in shaping engagement patterns. While informal learning was both accepted and encouraged, formal learning was viewed as a matter of personal responsibility. This indicates a weak subjective norm in terms of the integrated behavioral model: Clinicians did not perceive strong external expectations to engage with formal scientific knowledge. As the integrated behavioral model predicts, weak perceived norms reduce behavioral intention. However, some participants reported that their professional identity motivated them to remain current, even in low-pressure environments. This suggests that subjective norms may be internalized rather than externally enforced, an important nuance that the integrated behavioral model does not fully capture.</p>
<p>Finally, many learning activities were reactive rather than proactive. As illustrated in Section 3.1.5, clinicians often sought out knowledge in response to unfamiliar or urgent cases rather than as part of continuous, planned routines. While such reactive learning is contextually rational and often effective, it runs the risk of fragmenting knowledge over time. The integrated behavioral model emphasizes planned behavior and may not fully address these responsive, situational learning patterns. Without organizational structures in place, such as protected time, follow-up mechanisms, and cultural expectations, this adaptive intelligence may not be fully utilized.</p>
<p>In summary, the integrated behavioral model helps explain why clinicians may or may not follow through on intentions to engage with scientific knowledge, especially by highlighting the role of time constraints, perceived norms, and self-efficacy. However, the findings also reveal limitations in the model: it downplays spontaneous, in-the-moment learning and fails to distinguish between different levels of engagement. These gaps suggest that knowledge engagement in clinical settings is not only intentional and structured, but also adaptive, opportunistic, and influenced by internalized professional values.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec21">
<label>4.3</label>
<title>Theoretical implications and future directions</title>
<p>The findings confirm the effectiveness of the integrated behavioral model, media richness theory, and media synchronicity theory in understanding clinician information behavior. However, they also highlight certain contextual limitations of these frameworks. Media richness theory suggests that richer media are better suited for complex or ambiguous tasks. In clinical settings, though, the use of high-richness channels is often limited by structural factors. Similarly, media synchronicity theory distinguishes between conveyance and convergence processes, but in reality these categories are often blurred by practical demands. For example, a brief hallway chat may serve both functions simultaneously. The integrated behavioral model emphasizes the importance of intention in predicting behavior. However, our results suggest that even clinicians with strong intention (e.g., who are highly motivated to learn) may fail to apply new scientific knowledge if key environmental constraints, such as time, support, and access, are not addressed. This highlights the importance of extending these theoretical models to better account for context. Future research could explore integrative approaches that combine behavioral and communication theories to examine how tailoring information delivery to context might improve knowledge uptake. For example, interventions that leverage richer media (e.g., interactive messaging platforms or brief team huddles) under supportive conditions could be tested to clarify how these theories operate in practice.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec22">
<label>4.4</label>
<title>Limitations</title>
<p>This study has several limitations. First, all interviews were conducted shortly after the lifting of COVID-19 restrictions, during a period when many hospital routines had not yet reverted to pre-pandemic scheduling. This unique context may have influenced how healthcare professionals engaged with various information sources, particularly those necessitating face-to-face interaction.</p>
<p>Second, the sample size was relatively small, consisting of 22 participants who were physicians and nurses from three Norwegian hospitals. Therefore, the findings are specific to this context and should not be generalized across all healthcare settings or professional groups. Rather, the results provide preliminary insights into communication practices and barriers within a specific healthcare setting.</p>
<p>Third, as is the case with all interview-based research, our findings rely on self-reported behaviors and perceptions, which may be influenced by recall bias or social desirability bias. Considering these limitations, future research should explore whether comparable preferences and barriers exist in various countries, types of hospitals, or healthcare positions. Expanding the scope to encompass other professions may reveal different patterns of engagement. Moreover, as digital resources continue to evolve, future studies should also examine the role of emerging technologies (e.g., platforms supported by artificial intelligence) in shaping how scientific knowledge is accessed and utilized in clinical practice.</p>
</sec>
</sec>
</body>
<back>
<sec sec-type="data-availability" id="sec23">
<title>Data availability statement</title>
<p>The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.</p>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="ethics-statement" id="sec24">
<title>Ethics statement</title>
<p>The studies involving humans were approved by Sikt &#x2013; Norwegian Agency for Shared Services in Education and Research. The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. The participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.</p>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="author-contributions" id="sec25">
<title>Author contributions</title>
<p>VP: Writing &#x2013; original draft.</p>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="COI-statement" id="sec26">
<title>Conflict of interest</title>
<p>The author(s) declared that this work was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.</p>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="ai-statement" id="sec27">
<title>Generative AI statement</title>
<p>The author(s) declared that Generative AI was used in the creation of this manuscript. The author, who is fluent in both Norwegian and English, used ChatGPT to support the translation process and to enhance the overall language of the manuscript. All translations and language edits were reviewed and finalized by the author.</p>
<p>Any alternative text (alt text) provided alongside figures in this article has been generated by Frontiers with the support of artificial intelligence and reasonable efforts have been made to ensure accuracy, including review by the authors wherever possible. If you identify any issues, please contact us.</p>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="disclaimer" id="sec28">
<title>Publisher&#x2019;s note</title>
<p>All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.</p>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="supplementary-material" id="sec29">
<title>Supplementary material</title>
<p>The Supplementary material for this article can be found online at: <ext-link xlink:href="https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fcomm.2026.1781292/full#supplementary-material" ext-link-type="uri">https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fcomm.2026.1781292/full#supplementary-material</ext-link></p>
<supplementary-material xlink:href="Data_Sheet_1.pdf" id="SM1" mimetype="application/pdf" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink"/>
</sec>
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<fn-group>
<fn fn-type="custom" custom-type="edited-by" id="fn0001">
<p>Edited by: <ext-link ext-link-type="uri" xlink:href="https://loop.frontiersin.org/people/2505567/overview">Julie E. Volkman</ext-link>, Bryant University, United States</p>
</fn>
<fn fn-type="custom" custom-type="reviewed-by" id="fn0002">
<p>Reviewed by: <ext-link ext-link-type="uri" xlink:href="https://loop.frontiersin.org/people/1636193/overview">Giulia Di Rienzo</ext-link>, University of Antwerp, Belgium</p>
<p><ext-link ext-link-type="uri" xlink:href="https://loop.frontiersin.org/people/3340393/overview">Stephen Sherman</ext-link>, Bryant University, United States</p>
</fn>
</fn-group>
</back>
</article>