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<journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">Front. Commun.</journal-id>
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<journal-title>Frontiers in Communication</journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title abbrev-type="pubmed">Front. Commun.</abbrev-journal-title>
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<issn pub-type="epub">2297-900X</issn>
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<publisher-name>Frontiers Media S.A.</publisher-name>
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<article-meta>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.3389/fcomm.2026.1762527</article-id>
<article-version article-version-type="Version of Record" vocab="NISO-RP-8-2008"/>
<article-categories>
<subj-group subj-group-type="heading">
<subject>Original Research</subject>
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</article-categories>
<title-group>
<article-title>Why do Chinese men delight in ancient women&#x2019;s fights? Scopophilia, emphasized identity, and reorienting male gaze</article-title>
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<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes">
<name>
<surname>Xu</surname>
<given-names>Teng</given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"/>
<xref ref-type="corresp" rid="c001"><sup>&#x002A;</sup></xref>
<uri xlink:href="https://loop.frontiersin.org/people/2775194"/>
<role vocab="credit" vocab-identifier="https://credit.niso.org/" vocab-term="conceptualization" vocab-term-identifier="https://credit.niso.org/contributor-roles/conceptualization/">Conceptualization</role>
<role vocab="credit" vocab-identifier="https://credit.niso.org/" vocab-term="Writing &#x2013; original draft" vocab-term-identifier="https://credit.niso.org/contributor-roles/writing-original-draft/">Writing &#x2013; original draft</role>
<role vocab="credit" vocab-identifier="https://credit.niso.org/" vocab-term="Writing &#x2013; review &#x0026; editing" vocab-term-identifier="https://credit.niso.org/contributor-roles/writing-review-editing/">Writing &#x2013; review &#x0026; editing</role>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="aff1"><institution>School of Media and Communication, Shanghai Jiao Tong University</institution>, <city>Shanghai</city>, <country country="cn">China</country></aff>
<author-notes>
<corresp id="c001"><label>&#x002A;</label>Correspondence: Teng Xu, <email xlink:href="mailto:xuteng816@126.com">xuteng816@126.com</email></corresp>
</author-notes>
<pub-date publication-format="electronic" date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2026-02-25">
<day>25</day>
<month>02</month>
<year>2026</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date publication-format="electronic" date-type="collection">
<year>2026</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>11</volume>
<elocation-id>1762527</elocation-id>
<history>
<date date-type="received">
<day>07</day>
<month>12</month>
<year>2025</year>
</date>
<date date-type="rev-recd">
<day>26</day>
<month>01</month>
<year>2026</year>
</date>
<date date-type="accepted">
<day>02</day>
<month>02</month>
<year>2026</year>
</date>
</history>
<permissions>
<copyright-statement>Copyright &#x00A9; 2026 Xu.</copyright-statement>
<copyright-year>2026</copyright-year>
<copyright-holder>Xu</copyright-holder>
<license>
<ali:license_ref start_date="2026-02-25">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</ali:license_ref>
<license-p>This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the <ext-link ext-link-type="uri" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY)</ext-link>. The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.</license-p>
</license>
</permissions>
<abstract>
<p>Amid the ongoing reinterpretation of women&#x2019;s subjectivity in contemporary Chinese society, harem dramas have become a significant genre within domestic television production. Although conventionally regarded as female-oriented entertainment, these dramas continue to sustain widespread popularity while increasingly attracting male audiences, thereby complicating assumptions about gendered viewership. Within this context, this study employs the concept of the &#x201C;unperturbed gaze&#x201D; to integrate textual analysis with 41 in-depth interviews, revealing the psychological mechanisms underpinning male engagement with female-oriented harem dramas. The findings demonstrate that scopophilia, simulated identification, and homosocial affinity collectively transform gendered power into consumable experiences and perpetuate the reproduction of hierarchical order through platform amplification. Accordingly, this research proposes a meso-level theoretical framework for understanding the psychological dynamics of male spectatorship and offers productive insights for visual creators seeking to reconfigure narrative plurality and make ethical conflicts more perceptible.</p>
</abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd>gay gaze</kwd>
<kwd>gender relations</kwd>
<kwd>harem dramas</kwd>
<kwd>male consumption</kwd>
<kwd>male gaze</kwd>
</kwd-group>
<funding-group>
<funding-statement>The author(s) declared that financial support was not received for this work and/or its publication.</funding-statement>
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<meta-value>Culture and Communication</meta-value>
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<body>
<sec sec-type="intro" id="sec1">
<label>1</label>
<title>Introduction</title>
<p>Since the 1990s, harem dramas have become a culturally distinctive Chinese film and television genre, presenting historical events or characters in ancient China. As a subgenre of historical dramas, harem dramas primarily focus on the lives of concubines in ancient China, delving into their complex love stories, political power struggles, and interpersonal conflicts (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref5">Cai, 2017</xref>, p. 29). In China, well-produced courtroom harem dramas have become cultural phenomena, such as <italic>Jade Palace Lock Heart</italic> (&#x300A;&#x5BAE;&#x9396;&#x5FC3;&#x7389;&#x300B;2011), <italic>Treading On Thin Ice</italic> (&#x300A;&#x6B65;&#x6B65;&#x9A5A;&#x5FC3;&#x300B;2011), <italic>Legend of Zhen Huan</italic> (&#x300A;&#x7504;&#x5B1B;&#x50B3;&#x300B;2011), <italic>The Empress of China</italic> (&#x300A;&#x6B66;&#x5A9A;&#x5A18;&#x50B3;&#x5947;&#x300B;2014), <italic>The Legend of Miyue</italic> (&#x300A;&#x7F8B;&#x6708;&#x50B3;&#x300B;2015; hereafter referred to as LM), <italic>Story of Yanxi Palace</italic> (&#x300A;&#x5EF6;&#x79A7;&#x653B;&#x7565;&#x300B;2018; hereafter referred to as SYP), and <italic>Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace</italic> (&#x300A;&#x5982;&#x61FF;&#x50B3;&#x300B;2018; hereafter referred to as RRLP). Among these, <italic>Legend of Zhen Huan</italic> (also translated as <italic>Empresses in the Palace</italic>; hereafter referred to as LZH) has been particularly prominent and popular for over a decade, having considerable influence on contemporary culture. Even now, an identical style of network expression known as &#x201C;<italic>Zhen Huan style</italic>,&#x201D; named after the drama&#x2019;s main character, can still be seen in discussions of trending topics and in self-made memes by local audiences (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref40">Yan et al., 2020</xref>, p. 449).</p>
<p>As a unique genre in China, harem drama reflects associated social and cultural changes. The stimulation of watching harem dramas reflects aesthetic values, social emotions, and public discourse, establishing a relationship between the individual and the community. Although harem drama was originally intended to attract female audiences, it has become popular among male audiences and has remained a topic for over a decade (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref15">Hongxiu, 2019</xref>).</p>
<p>However, there is a theoretical gap in understanding why so many male audiences are involved in this cultural phenomenon, particularly regarding the essential characteristics of the male audience of harem drama. To address this gap, this study turns to male gaze theory in order to foreground the feminist crisis embedded within what appears as male fascination. Drawing on a triangulated methodological design, the research integrates in depth interviews, content analysis of harem dramas, and a critical review of existing scholarship, allowing different forms of evidence to enter into dialogue. Against this backdrop, it asks what cultural ideologies sustain male engagement with harem dramas, and how such modes of looking may be interpreted from a feminist perspective. It further examines whether gay male viewers and heterosexual male viewers display systematic differences in their ways of engaging with the gendered visual narratives of harem dramas, particularly with regard to patterns of looking and affective response.</p>
<p>In order to answer these questions, this research adopts a triangulation methodology, integrating in-depth interviews, qualitative content analysis, and a comprehensive literature review. Triangulation, first formalized by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref7">Campbell and Fiske (1959)</xref> in their seminal work on convergent and discriminant validation, involves the use of multiple methodological approaches to examine a single phenomenon (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref11">Denzin and Lincoln, 2008</xref>).</p>
<p>Following this principle, the study combines theoretical analysis with empirical investigation, focusing on representative palace intrigue dramas to explore the male gaze in Chinese media and its implications for gender representation and power dynamics. Structurally, the article first traces the genealogy of the male gaze to establish its theoretical framework. It then reviews the evolution of female-centered harem dramas in China, foregrounding the portrayal of the &#x201C;diva protagonist&#x201D; as a pivotal element in these narratives (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref45">Zhu, 2013</xref>). Drawing on qualitative content analysis, the study illustrates how such dramas, despite their putative focus on female experiences, remain firmly circumscribed by male-oriented modes of viewing. Semi-structured interviews further elucidate the manifestations and consequences of the male gaze among male viewers (<xref rid="app1" ref-type="app">Appendix A</xref>). By employing triangulation, this study examines a single phenomenon through multiple methodological lenses, integrating their complementary strengths to reduce method specific bias and enhance the overall credibility of the analysis.</p>
<p>Based on the findings, this study posits that the male gaze contributes to the incomplete formation of male identities, thereby perpetuating societal norms that oppress women. This research critically examines the operation of the male gaze in China, revealing the feminist practices of Chinese males, the dialectics of gazing and being gazed upon, the complexities of female identity in current social relations, and the sexual circle as a marker of group distinction. Finally, the research offers practical implications for the production of future film and television dramas, urging content creators to critically evaluate the gendered frameworks shaping popular narratives.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec2">
<label>2</label>
<title>The male gaze genealogy: the situate of patriarchal grip</title>
<p>The theoretical genealogy of the male gaze constitutes both a visual lineage within the history of philosophy and a mechanism through which power consciousness is continuously reproduced. Since ancient Greek philosophy positioned the act of gazing as the origin of truth and order, vision has been structurally linked to knowledge, judgment, and domination. As the theory developed over the course of the twentieth century, gaze gradually came to be understood not as a unidirectional act but as a relational structure, thereby establishing the dialectical tension between &#x201C;seeing&#x201D; and &#x201C;being seen&#x201D; (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref19">Kuechenhoff, 2007</xref>, pp. 445&#x2013;462). Within this framework, the act of gazing and being gazed upon constructs the &#x201C;subject&#x201D; and the &#x201C;object,&#x201D; also referred to as the self and the other. However, within the interplay of multiple perspectives, the subject of power and desire faces the potential for transformation.</p>
<p>Since Sartre&#x2019;s <italic>Being and Nothingness</italic> identified being looked at by the Other as a decisive moment in the formation of subjectivity, gaze has been explicitly conceptualized as a mechanism through which power emerges. The subject does not precede relations but is compelled to recognize itself as an exposed object at the very moment it is seen, completing self-objectification through the affective experience of shame (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref35">Webber, 2020</xref>). This formulation implies that gaze has the capacity to reorganize social relations that structure subject positions. However, within Sartre&#x2019;s framework, gaze remains primarily understood as a sudden relational event, in which the encounter between subject and Other is presented as an instantaneous form of oppression. How visual relations continue to operate in everyday experience and how they become stabilized as repeatable structures remain insufficiently theorized.</p>
<p>It is precisely within this unexplored dimension that Merleau&#x2013;Ponty advances the ontological foundation of gaze theory through the notion of mutual constitution within visibility. Ponty argues that the visual relation between subject and other is not formed through unilateral possession or confrontation but emerges through the interweaving of bodily sensibility and visibility within the world (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref14">Edgar, 2005</xref>). This perspective fundamentally clarifies that gaze is not an externally imposed form of power but a perceptual structure co generated by the subject and the world. Yet at another level, this move obscures the problem of power asymmetry. If subject and Other are mutually constituted in co presence, why does structural domination persist in visual relations, and why are certain subjects consistently positioned as objects of observation and regulation, while others are naturalized as centers of vision? This question remains unresolved within the phenomenological framework. In other words, while Merleau&#x2013;Ponty clarifies the generative logic of gaze, he does not fully account for how gaze becomes institutionalized or how it is continually reproduced within social structures.</p>
<p>Against this backdrop, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref20">Lacan (2003)</xref> introduces the concept of the gaze as structurally anterior to the subject, through which gaze is repositioned from an intersubjective relation to a functional component of the symbolic order. Within this theoretical framework, gaze is revealed as a concealed form of social power that compels individuals to enter a specific symbolic order. The male gaze thus positions women as visible objects of possession, while male subjects, through the act of looking, continually stabilize and reaffirm their own identity (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref150">Goddard, 2000</xref>).</p>
<p><xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref24">Mulvey&#x2019;s (2006)</xref> (<italic>Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema</italic>) translates this abstract structure into the concrete domain of cinematic experience, providing the first systematic definition of the male gaze in film studies. She conceptualizes gaze as a viewing regime jointly produced by unconscious structures, cinematic form, and narrative mechanisms. Drawing on Freud&#x2019;s theory of scopophilia and Lacan&#x2019;s mirror stage, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref23">Mulvey (1975</xref>, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref25">2022)</xref> further argues that the male subject operates through two interlocking mechanisms in screen narratives, namely voyeuristic scopophilia and narcissistic identification. The former involves viewing the other as a controlled visual object, while the latter allows spectators to achieve an illusion of self-wholeness through identification with the male protagonist. Together, these mechanisms reveal how cinema formally produces an underlying division of visual power, in which women exist primarily as images, while men more often occupy the position of the gazing subject. <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref17">Irigaray (1993)</xref> subsequently extends this critique by arguing that gaze not only structures visual relations but also organizes epistemic and discursive orders, excluding women from the position of rational subjectivity through the very act of being seen.</p>
<p>In the Chinese context, this visual regime has been continuously reproduced in culturally specific forms. <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref10">Dai (1999</xref>, p. 188) extends this theoretical lineage through a reflection on the condition of being &#x201C;still in the mirror.&#x201D; Over time, women in Chinese visual culture have often internalized the external gaze through practices of self-gazing, transforming visibility into a substitute for agency. Within a patriarchal visual system, women&#x2019;s visibility is thus frequently misrecognized as empowerment, a misrecognition that obscures the ongoing reproduction of visual power (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref44">Zhou, 2024</xref>, pp. 54&#x2013;57). From this perspective, the male gaze is less a mode of looking than a social psychological mechanism that sustains gender hierarchy through visual order and aestheticized asymmetry. To establish a position for female libido, it becomes essential to construct narratives dominated by female thought and lived experience.</p>
<p>Yet after feminist theory exposed the structural violence of the male gaze and destabilized the legitimacy of heterosexual male subjectivity as the viewing center, gaze theory encountered a new problem of power demarcation. The question emerged as to whether this mechanism could operate only through a heterosexual male subject. It is precisely in response to this theoretical tension that the introduction of homosexual desire generated an internal differentiation within gaze theory, transforming gay gaze into a central analytical concern.</p>
<p>Although the term gay gaze was systematically articulated in the 1990s, the viewing structure it describes had already been extensively discussed in earlier studies of homosexual culture in the 1970s (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">Drukman, 1995a</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">Babuscio, 1977</xref>). In his seminal study of gay sensibility, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1">Babuscio (1977)</xref> proposed a visual posture distinct from heterosexual male viewing logic, arguing that gay audiences often enter mainstream visual texts through excessive identification, aesthetic exaggeration, and parodic immersion. While the term gaze is not explicitly employed in this account, the description nonetheless delineates the foundational characteristics of such a viewing practice. This mode of viewing is described not as one oriented toward possession or control, but as a strategy of stylized entry and affective overinvestment, through which a position conventionally defined as being looked at is transformed into an aesthetic position that can be actively occupied. On a theoretical level, this formulation establishes a key feature of the gay gaze. Rather than functioning as a simple variation of the male gaze, the gay gaze emerges as a differentiated viewing mode operating within dominant gaze structures and mediated through aesthetic sensibility and affect.</p>
<p>The concept was later systematized in <italic>A Queer Romance</italic> (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref13">Drukman, 1995b</xref>), where gay gaze is defined as an aesthetic posture that deviates from normative regimes of looking. The analysis demonstrates that even within heteronormative visual systems, a recognizable mode of viewing persists, one regulated by homosexual desire and cultural sensibility. At the same time, this formulation implicitly reconfigures the viewing subject as a cultural position that can be strategically occupied. Within this framework, entry into the pleasure economy of mainstream texts becomes possible while maintaining meta-awareness and a stylized distance from its governing logic.</p>
<p>This theoretical positioning also provides an empirically testable direction for subsequent research. Early empirical studies of gay gaze indicate that gay men, due to their marginal position within patriarchal structures, often exhibit strong resonance with feminist critiques of gaze and consequently develop viewing orientations distinct from those of heterosexual men (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref36">Wood, 2014</xref>). This finding underscores that viewing positions are shaped by subjects&#x2019; locations within power structures. In gay viewing practices, subject positions demonstrate more pronounced oscillation and interchange. On the one hand, spectators may enter positions traditionally coded as feminine through transvestic identification (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref43">Zhang, 2018</xref>), while on the other hand they return to trajectories of ego identification through self-admiration (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref32">Thornham, 2015</xref>). This back-and-forth movement between objectification and self-confirmation constitutes a critical reprogramming of the regulatory logic governing who can look and how looking is authorized.</p>
<p>At the level of concrete practice, gay gaze often redistributes viewing positions through diva identification and theatricalization. Excessive affective investment in powerful female figures and their aesthetic sanctification allows viewers to symbolically inhabit the position of the woman as spectacle while retaining meta-awareness of visual power. This produces a dual posture of immersion and detachment. In an analysis of McNally&#x2019;s play <italic>The Lisbon Traviata</italic>, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">Drukman (1995a)</xref> demonstrates how this mechanism is repeatedly inscribed in modern popular culture and performance arts. The veneration of opera divas and pop icons, together with a stylistic preference for the exaggerated, theatrical, and extravagant, forms a collective code of viewing and group recognition (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref4">Bronski, 1984</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref18">Jennex, 2013</xref>). Consequently, the gay gaze does not constitute a singular de patriarchal vision. Under certain conditions, it may loosen the stability of heteronormative narratives, yet it may also be absorbed into an aesthetic economy where visibility functions as cultural capital (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref36">Wood, 2014</xref>).</p>
<p>Through this theoretical progression, it becomes evident that male gaze, feminist critique, and gay gaze do not form a linear sequence of replacement but rather constitute a continuously inward turning viewing structure. Gaze is no longer solely a matter of how power is exposed but of how power is softly maintained through differentiated modes of looking, which corresponds to an increasingly normalized viewing condition. It is in response to this theoretical blind spot that this study introduces the concept of unperturbed gaze. In visual science and neuroscience, unperturbed gaze refers to a baseline state of looking that is free from external disturbance, functioning as a reference condition against which perturbed gaze is defined in order to describe how perceptual systems operate under stable conditions (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref3">Binaee et al., 2022</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref27">Sa&#x011F;lam et al., 2011</xref>). This study translates this technical meaning into a socio-cultural analysis of viewing, using it to identify a stable gaze position sustained by narrative structure, aesthetic mechanisms, and affective regulation.</p>
<p>Within this state, spectators&#x2019; viewing is smoothly guided, while ethical reflection is deferred or neutralized, allowing gaze to continue operating without interruption. In other words, the concern of this study is not whether gaze is violent but how gaze acquires immunity through more concealed mechanisms, enabling it to continuously generate pleasure while lowering the cost of reflexive disturbance. Because socio cultural gaze theory has lacked systematic empirical and conceptual engagement with such stable viewing states, the introduction of unperturbed gaze shifts the analytical focus from exposing conflict and resistance toward examining the mechanisms of viewing stability and perceptual immunity.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec3">
<label>3</label>
<title>Chinese female-centered harem dramas: strong women or not?</title>
<p>As a distinctive genre of historical television drama, harem dramas construct their narrative space within the &#x201C;inner court&#x201D; of Chinese imperial dynasties, using struggles over power, desire, and status among women as the primary narrative engine (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref34">Wang, 2020</xref>). Since 2010, the Chinese television industry has shown growing interest in series that foreground &#x201C;strong women,&#x201D; in explicit contrast to the once-dominant &#x201C;dumb, na&#x00EF;ve, and sweet&#x201D; (&#x50BB;&#x767D;&#x751C;) stereotype (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref22">Miao and Tian, 2022</xref>). These female figures are most frequently situated in Qing court settings, within which harem dramas have become a major cultural form. Their production logic reflects both the commercial strategies of capital and the projection of collective social psychology. In this sense, harem dramas operate at two levels: they re-commodify female-centered narratives for the entertainment market, and they provide a historical screen onto which contemporary hierarchies and moral orders are projected and reimagined.</p>
<p><italic>The Legend of Zhen Huan</italic>, released in 2012, is one of China&#x2019;s most famous female-oriented harem dramas, depicting the brutal politics among the empresses and concubines of Emperor Yongzheng during the Qing Dynasty. It narrates the story of Zhen Huan, an intelligent yet naive girl who learns to survive in the inner court through various trials, transforming from a victim of imperial and patriarchal power into a rebel who symbolically overthrows the emperor and eventually becomes the empress dowager, experiencing love, tragedy, and sisterhood along the way. This 76-episode drama has been widely praised for its high production quality and realism, continually attracting new audiences and repeat viewers even today (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref41">Yang, 2021</xref>).</p>
<p><italic>The Story of Yanxi Palace</italic> is another popular harem drama that tells the complex story of the female protagonist Wei Yingluo, involving revenge, struggle, love, sisterhood, hatred, and performance in Emperor Qianlong&#x2019;s harem during the Qing Dynasty. Unlike Zhen, who comes from a respectable family and initially strives to remain kind, Wei is more aggressive, resourceful, cunning, and manipulative, ultimately rising from a low-class maid to become the third Empress (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref33">Tuan, 2020</xref>).</p>
<p>Over the past decade, harem dramas have developed a narrative structure centered on a diva protagonist. However, despite portraying a diva, the male gaze remains present, establishing a narrative order that caters to male desires. Compared to early 21st-century harem dramas like <italic>The Golden Bough</italic> (2004) and <italic>The Harem of the Qing Dynasty</italic> (2006), which are set during the eve of the Qing Empire&#x2019;s disintegration and conclude with female characters fleeing the harem as the revolutionary army overthrows the empire, LZH and SYP are set in the powerful mid-Qing period and depict female protagonists ultimately rising to power within the harem. Recent Chinese harem dramas focus on the intersection of gender power and bodily experiences, particularly in relation to reproduction, childbirth, miscarriages, infertility, and social status (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref41">Yang, 2021</xref>). Harem dramas create a &#x201C;spectacular&#x201D; world dominated by women, contrasting with the male-dominated court and public spheres. Scenes set in the private harem often emphasize female appearance and physicality, reinforcing a voyeuristic perspective that drives the male gaze.</p>
<p>Furthermore, the male gaze is evident in the plots and characterization of harem dramas. Due to the specific gender ideologies of ancient China, it is problematic to directly map this gender order onto historical reality, resulting in a patriarchal tone in both plot and character depiction. Emperors in Chinese history practiced polygamy; however, they had one principal wife (queen), often chosen for political rather than personal reasons, who ranked above all concubines to ensure male descendants upheld the patriarchal lineage. Concubines were expected to be loyal to the emperor, soft-spoken, attentive to domestic duties, and refrain from involvement in public and political affairs (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref26">Ropp, 2015</xref>). Concubines had to gain the emperor&#x2019;s favor to share his &#x201C;dews&#x201D; (sperm) and conceive. Women in the palace were subject to strict hierarchies, with ranks and salaries akin to the civil bureaucracy, leading to fragmentation and power struggles within the palace (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref26">Ropp, 2015</xref>). The ultimate goal for any concubine was to produce male heirs, as &#x201C;a mother gains honor and prestige through her son&#x201D; (&#x6BCD;&#x51ED;&#x5B50;&#x8D35;). These patriarchal elements and gender hierarchies are central themes in contemporary harem dramas.</p>
<p>It is evident from the specific plots and character roles that female characters in harem dramas remain confined within the male gaze. As the narrative unfolds, female concubines are introduced in each episode, all possessing good looks, charming manners, and wearing exquisite, luxurious clothing. The plot and characters establish a seductive framework that caters to male erotic desires, thereby sustaining a stable male gaze throughout the drama. Harem dramas also provide sexual stimulation to enhance gaze pleasure, often depicting concubines sharing intimate moments with the emperor. For instance, in LZH, the concubine An Lingrong is depicted being wrapped in a quilt and carried naked to the emperor&#x2019;s bed. Additionally, numerous scenes featuring female nudity are present in these dramas.</p>
<p>The texts and existing studies on harem dramas demonstrate that the male gaze in contemporary palace narratives has evolved into a more concealed mechanism of cultural power. Rather than functioning through overt gender oppression, it operates within the aesthetic order and affective logic of visual culture, reinterpreting and re-mediating female experience. This mechanism transforms the female body into a symbol of both political and erotic significance, ensuring that the formation of maternal power remains dependent on the reproduction of patriarchal structures (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref26">Ropp, 2015</xref>). At the same time, narrative empathy is institutionalized as a consumable affective politics, through which audiences, while ostensibly &#x201C;understanding women,&#x201D; in fact sustain the cultural structures of gender inequality. Aesthetic immersion, enhanced through elaborate costume design and cinematographic techniques, further neutralizes the tension of power conflicts, converting court politics into an order of visual pleasure (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref41">Yang, 2021</xref>).</p>
<p>Consequently, the violence of the gaze is no longer explicit but instead diluted through emotion and aesthetics, rendering its power even more enduring. Harem dramas thus constitute an internalized mechanism of viewing: while ostensibly centered on female protagonists, they continue to reinforce the control of women&#x2019;s visibility under male desire. This viewing logic exposes a core paradox within contemporary Chinese visual culture. The visibility of women signifies their renewed subjection to the gaze, and the redistribution of power completes its cycle within the economy of visual pleasure. Through in-depth interviews and textual analysis, this study further explores the dialectical structure of &#x201C;gazing&#x201D; and &#x201C;being gazed upon&#x201D; in harem dramas, revealing how visual politics reconstructs the cultural position of the male subject within mediated narratives.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec4">
<label>4</label>
<title>Research design</title>
<p>This study employed an interpretive qualitative research approach to further examine the mechanisms of the gaze among male audiences when watching harem dramas, as well as the underlying logic of gendered power reflected through these mechanisms. In-depth interviews served as the primary data collection method, designed to explore the culturally constructed relationship between &#x201C;seeing&#x201D; and &#x201C;being seen,&#x201D; with particular emphasis on the projection of desire and the negotiation of identity by male subjects in the process of visual consumption. The research aims to reveal how the gaze operates within male viewing practices in contemporary China and how the experience of &#x201C;being gazed upon&#x201D; constitutes a latent emotional drive underlying social subjectivity.</p>
<p>Participants were recruited through the researcher&#x2019;s personal social networks and online fan communities, primarily via Weibo and Douban. These two platforms were selected because they represent the main arenas for audience interaction and the formation of public opinion in China&#x2019;s television culture, providing a highly representative sample base. The researcher posted recruitment announcements and sent private invitations across both platforms, sending more than 100 invitations in total, with recruitment posts receiving over 4,000 views. Using a combination of open recruitment and snowball sampling, the study ultimately recruited 41 participants for in-depth interviews.</p>
<p>Sampling followed the principle of theoretical sampling to ensure that participants possessed adequate viewing experience. Only male viewers who had watched at least three harem dramas or viewed a single drama in its entirety more than three times were included. The participants ranged in age from 19 to 42 and came from diverse professional backgrounds, including students, civil servants, designers, and media practitioners. Their geographical distribution covered both eastern coastal and central-western regions of China, ensuring contextual and cultural diversity.</p>
<p>Notably, among the 41 interviewees, 25 self-identified as homosexual, while one participant indicated that sexual orientation had not yet been clearly articulated. This composition introduces an additional analytical dimension for examining the relationship between gay gaze and gender identity. Within the context of in-depth qualitative interviewing, the sample size proves sufficient to support a generalization of male viewing mechanisms while simultaneously enabling a stable comparative analysis of differentiated viewing experiences between homosexual and heterosexual audiences under conditions of theoretical saturation. Within this configuration, the respective numbers of homosexual and heterosexual participants allow each group to be observed as an internally coherent collective, thereby providing a reliable empirical basis for examining the relationship between gaze typologies and gender identification.</p>
<p>All interviews were conducted by the same researcher to ensure contextual consistency and foster a sense of trust between interviewer and participants. The interviews were carried out online via Tencent Meeting, each lasting approximately 90 to 120&#x202F;min. Audio recordings were transcribed and coded using NVivo 12 to preserve key analytical content. A semi-structured interview outline was employed, balancing theoretical guidance with narrative openness (<xref ref-type="table" rid="tab1">Table 1</xref>). The core interview questions included: (1) the participants&#x2019; motivations and emotional experiences when watching harem dramas; (2) their perceptions of female and male characters; (3) their self-awareness of gaze position and sense of gender identity during viewing; and (4) the potential influence of harem dramas on their daily lives, gender imaginaries, or self-perception. During the interviews, participants were encouraged to engage in free association, and the researcher used follow-up questions to further explore the emotional and aesthetic mechanisms underlying their judgments.</p>
<table-wrap position="float" id="tab1">
<label>Table 1</label>
<caption>
<p>Male respondent information.</p>
</caption>
<table frame="hsides" rules="groups">
<thead>
<tr>
<th align="left" valign="top">No.</th>
<th align="center" valign="top">Age (Range)</th>
<th align="left" valign="top">Sexual orientation</th>
<th align="left" valign="top">Education</th>
<th align="left" valign="top">Occupation</th>
<th align="left" valign="top">Region</th>
<th align="left" valign="top">Typical harem dramas viewed</th>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">1</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">23&#x2013;27</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Illustrator</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Japan</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Story of Yanxi Palace; Legend of Zhen Huan</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">2</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">18&#x2013;22</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">3</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">23&#x2013;27</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Designer</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">North China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">4</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">23&#x2013;27</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">North China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace; Story of Yanxi Palace; Beyond The Realm Of Conscience</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">5</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">23&#x2013;27</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Story of Yanxi Palace; Legend of Zhen Huan</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">6</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">23&#x2013;27</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Operation Planner</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">North China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace; Story of Yanxi Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">7</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">28&#x2013;32</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Clerk</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Northeast China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Story of Yanxi Palace; Legend of Zhen Huan</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">8</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">38&#x2013;42</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Teacher</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace; Story of Yanxi Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">9</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">23&#x2013;27</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Engineer</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">South China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace; Story of Yanxi Palace; Beyond The Realm Of Conscience; War and Beauty</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">10</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">23&#x2013;27</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace; Story of Yanxi Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">11</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">23&#x2013;27</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Consultant</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Story of Yanxi Palace; Legend of Zhen Huan; The Empress of China; Schemes of A Beauty</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">12</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">18&#x2013;22</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">North China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Story of Yanxi Palace; Schemes of A Beauty</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">13</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">28&#x2013;32</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Unknown</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Doctor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Teacher</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">North China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace; Story of Yanxi Palace; Beyond The Realm Of Conscience; War and Beauty</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">14</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">33&#x2013;37</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Doctor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Teacher</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">15</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">18&#x2013;22</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Central China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Story of Yanxi Palace; Beyond The Realm Of Conscience</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">16</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">23&#x2013;27</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Freelancer</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">South China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace; Story of Yanxi Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">17</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">38&#x2013;42</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Northeast China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Story of Yanxi Palace; Legend of Zhen Huan</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">18</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">28&#x2013;32</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Programmer</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">North China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">19</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">23&#x2013;27</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Clerk</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Story of Yanxi Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">20</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">38&#x2013;42</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Doctor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">North China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace; Story of Yanxi Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">21</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">18&#x2013;22</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Story of Yanxi Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">22</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">33&#x2013;37</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Programmer</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">South China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace; Story of Yanxi Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">23</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">28&#x2013;32</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Dancer</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">24</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">18&#x2013;22</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">North China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Story of Yanxi Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">25</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">18&#x2013;22</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">The Empress of China; Schemes of A Beauty</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">26</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">18&#x2013;22</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">South China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">27</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">28&#x2013;32</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Salesclerk</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace; Story of Yanxi Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">28</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">33&#x2013;37</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Lawyer</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">29</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">28&#x2013;32</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Heterosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Teacher</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Southwest China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace; Story of Yanxi Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">30</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">28&#x2013;32</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Doctor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">South China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">31</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">18&#x2013;22</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">South China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Story of Yanxi Palace; Legend of Zhen Huan</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">32</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">23&#x2013;27</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">North China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">33</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">23&#x2013;27</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Marketing Specialist</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Southwest China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Story of Yanxi Palace; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">34</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">33&#x2013;37</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Film Editor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">South China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; The Empress of China</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">35</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">28&#x2013;32</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Performer</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Story of Yanxi Palace; War and Beauty</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">36</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">33&#x2013;37</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Journalist</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">North China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace; Story of Yanxi Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">37</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">23&#x2013;27</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Screenwriter</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">38</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">23&#x2013;27</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Student</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Story of Yanxi Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">39</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">28&#x2013;32</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Bachelor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Art Curator</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">North China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Legend of Zhen Huan; The Empress of China</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">40</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">38&#x2013;42</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Doctor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Professor</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">East China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td align="left" valign="top">41</td>
<td align="center" valign="top">33&#x2013;37</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Homosexuality</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Master</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Game Designer</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">South China</td>
<td align="left" valign="top">Story of Yanxi Palace; Legend of Zhen Huan; The Empress of China</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
</table-wrap>
<p>To ensure ethical compliance and data reliability, all participants signed an Informed Consent Form prior to the interviews and were explicitly informed that the recordings would be used solely for academic research purposes. During transcription and analysis, all data were anonymized, with identifying information replaced by numerical codes to protect participants&#x2019; privacy and safety. The study was conducted in accordance with the ethical standards of the Human Research Ethics Committee for Science and Technology from the institution. Through systematic sampling design and rigorous ethical safeguards, this research seeks to reveal the cultural and psychological mechanisms underlying the formation of the male gaze in contemporary Chinese harem dramas. Combined with the preceding theoretical analysis, this process realizes a triangulation approach that ensures both the theoretical depth and empirical validity of the findings.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec5">
<label>5</label>
<title>Findings</title>
<sec id="sec6">
<label>5.1</label>
<title>Scopophilia: projected erotic and mysterious female sphere</title>
<sec id="sec7">
<label>5.1.1</label>
<title>Empirical patterns of eroticized and mysterious female images</title>
<p>In the recollections and narratives of the interviewees, what emerged first was not the historical system or the structure of power, but rather the sensory depictions of female images and bodies. Such descriptions often preceded the plotlines and occupied a central position in their accounts, becoming crucial nodes in how they organized memory. When asked about &#x201C;the most memorable characters or scenes,&#x201D; many respondents prioritized words related to appearance, posture, and costume, and frequently associated key narrative moments with meanings of sexuality and desire.</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>To me, Lanyi Ye is the most memorable of the sisters. First, she is depicted as charming and sweet. I recall that she was the one who accompanied the emperor in indulgent sexual activities day and night, ultimately leading to his death. (P07)</p>
</disp-quote>
<disp-quote>
<p>I still think The LZH is better, perhaps because there is a temporal and spatial dislocation between us and people from ancient times. This dislocation makes it so that when I watch these things, I do not take them too seriously. Instead, I observe their lives through something like a peep show. (P12)</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Most interviewees, when discussing the female characters that left the deepest impression on them, began by describing their appearance and temperament. Evaluative expressions such as &#x201C;good-looking,&#x201D; &#x201C;gentle,&#x201D; &#x201C;charming,&#x201D; &#x201C;beautiful,&#x201D; and &#x201C;elegant&#x201D; appeared repeatedly, and several participants emphasized the visual pleasure derived from watching women move, dress, or occupy the palace space. These responses suggest that aesthetic judgement and bodily perception occupy a primary position in the way male viewers recall harem dramas.</p>
<p>In addition to such aesthetic evaluations, some interviewees expressed admiration for characters with rebellious traits. When discussing Ye Lanyi in LZH, one participant noted:</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>Ye Lanyi impressed me the most. She is wild and beautiful, and that sense of defiance is particularly attractive. She does not seem like someone who belongs in the palace; there is a kind of untamed quality about her before she was subdued. (P19)</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Other interviewees focused on the visual spectacle of competition among women through clothing and posture. As several participants observed,</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>&#x201C;The more magnificent their clothes are, the more it feels like they are at war, competing for who can be seen and remembered&#x201D; (P31).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Another respondent remarked, &#x201C;<italic>Once a concubine is promoted, others will offer fine silk to win her favor and pull her into their camp&#x201D; (P29)</italic>. Here, the recollection of specific narrative details is inseparable from the memory of garments, fabrics, colors, and bodily comportment.</p>
<p>The hierarchical relationship between the emperor and the concubines also appeared frequently in the interview materials. One interviewee commented,</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>Although these dramas are said to be about &#x2018;strong women,&#x2019; in the end it is still the emperor who decides everything. No matter how intelligent they are, they must please him. (P32)</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Another participant added,</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>Harem dramas may look like stories about women competing, but the competition is for who can gain the emperor&#x2019;s favor. Their struggles always revolve around him. (P05)</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>These statements foreground the emperor as the implicit center of evaluation, even when the storyline appears to highlight female protagonism.</p>
<p>It is worth noting that some interviewees&#x2019; motivations for watching were not purely driven by sexual desire or fantasies of control but instead reflected a psychological inclination toward &#x201C;understanding the female world.&#x201D; As one participant explained,</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>My interest in harem dramas is more about seeing how women interact with each other and express their emotions. I have many female friends, but I still do not fully understand them. Harem dramas let me see their world from another perspective. (P01)</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Another participant described watching LZH as observing life &#x201C;through something like a peep show&#x201D; that feels distant and not entirely serious (P12), which already hints at a mixture of curiosity, distance, and playful voyeurism.</p>
<p>Taken together, these narratives indicates that the male participants consistently return to female bodies, costumes, and interpersonal dynamics as primary viewing objects, and that they articulate their experience through a vocabulary of beauty, rebellion, hierarchy, and curiosity. The empirical pattern that emerges is one in which harem dramas are perceived as a feminized, semi-closed world, inviting observation from the outside and generating layered forms of desire and epistemic interest.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec8">
<label>5.1.2</label>
<title>Aestheticized female space, institutionalized voyeurism and power alignment</title>
<p>Most interviewees, when discussing the female characters that left the deepest impression on them, began by describing their appearance and temperament. Evaluative expressions such as &#x201C;good-looking,&#x201D; &#x201C;gentle,&#x201D; &#x201C;charming,&#x201D; &#x201C;beautiful,&#x201D; and &#x201C;elegant&#x201D; appeared repeatedly, revealing a pattern of aesthetic homogenization toward the female body. Such descriptions indicate that the female sphere in harem dramas is constructed as a closed and observable domain of otherness. The gaze of the audience circulates externally around this space, generating a form of desire that is simultaneously secure and stimulating. As <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref23">Mulvey (1975)</xref> observes, the male gaze functions as an active mechanism of looking, transforming the female body into a surface of desire through the mediation of cinematic imagery. In the Chinese context, this mechanism is further shaped by cultural ethics. Influenced by Confucian moral doctrines, gender consciousness has long positioned the &#x201C;female body&#x201D; as a site of shame and taboo, resulting in a form of aesthetic pleasure among contemporary male viewers that often relies on distanced observation (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref34">Wang, 2020</xref>). Consequently, voyeuristic behavior operates not only as a substitute for sexual gratification but also as a symbolic compensation for cultural repression.</p>
<p>The interview narratives also reveal a persistent oscillation between the thrill of encountering unruly femininity and the satisfaction derived from seeing such unruliness gradually arranged into order. Descriptions of characters who are &#x201C;wild,&#x201D; &#x201C;untamed,&#x201D; or &#x201C;rebellious&#x201D; recur across multiple accounts, yet these responses are always accompanied by commentary on the mechanisms through which these traits are ultimately disciplined. This oscillation indicates that viewers experience a dual projection of desire shaped simultaneously by the fantasy of resistance and the reassurance of containment. As based on Lacan, voyeuristic pleasure often stems from anxiety about difference and the desire to master the unknown (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref29">Silverman&#x2019;s, 1983</xref>). The &#x201C;heterosexual other&#x201D; experienced by Chinese male viewers in harem dramas represents a culturally mediated form of this anxiety. Through watching the &#x201C;secret world among women,&#x201D; a mode of viewing that could be described as esoteric spectatorship, male audiences attain a symbolic understanding of the other while simultaneously preserving the stability of their own identity (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21">Liang, 2022</xref>).</p>
<p>The empirical materials further show that visual and material details function as cues for competition and power differentiation. Through lavish mise-en-sc&#x00E8;ne and stylized cinematography, the female body is transformed into part of a symbolic system of visuality, resulting in a form of desexualized eroticism (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref44">Zhou, 2024</xref>). <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref1900">Kadir and Tidy (2013)</xref> argue that contemporary media culture replaces gendered violence with a &#x201C;politics of sensibility,&#x201D; through which relations of domination are aestheticized and rendered pleasurable. Harem dramas exemplify this logic, as power struggles are aestheticized into a soft structure of desire, allowing male viewers to reaffirm and re-discipline the image of women through visual pleasure.</p>
<p>The above indicates that the male participants&#x2019; viewing practices intertwine erotic experience, aesthetic judgment, and epistemic desire within a single visual mechanism, which strongly corresponds to the classical definition of &#x201C;scopophilia.&#x201D; Fundamentally, scopophilia refers to the sensory pleasure and vicarious satisfaction derived from observing the object or body (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref30">Smith, 1976</xref>), a concept that, within the cinematic apparatus, is structurally linked to positioning women as visible objects and men as subjects of identification. Within this study&#x2019;s sample, the first evident pattern is the complicity between transgression and permission: participants occupy a voyeuristic position legitimized by the &#x201C;esoteric&#x201D; space of the imperial harem, gaining the pleasure of &#x201C;seeing what should not be seen,&#x201D; which becomes justified under the temporal and historical disguise of the narrative. Consequently, scopophilia here functions not merely as the projection of desire but as an institutionalized and aesthetically packaged form of legitimate voyeurism.</p>
<p>A second feature is the participants&#x2019; recurrent use of evaluative language such as &#x201C;judging&#x201D; or &#x201C;assessing&#x201D; when discussing the emperor&#x2019;s viewpoint, underscoring the structural alignment between audience perspective and character authority. The emperor&#x2019;s gaze serves as a surrogate gaze that provides male viewers with a stable narrative coordinate, transforming female competition into a contest of visibility whose meaning ultimately rests on &#x201C;who best conforms to the norms of visibility,&#x201D; rather than &#x201C;who effectively challenges the structure.&#x201D;</p>
<p>This alignment mechanism mirrors the historical logic of patriarchal kinship in China, in which maternal honor and lineage situate the female body along dual symbolic axes of politics and reproduction (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref26">Ropp, 2015</xref>). Such a framework legitimizes an agency predicated on sex and fertility as exchangeable assets. When coupled with participants&#x2019; fascination with strategies of gaining favor, it becomes clear that the &#x201C;equivalence of visibility and agency&#x201D; is psychologically reproduced: &#x201C;being better seen&#x201D; signifies access to superior living conditions or higher social status, rather than the transformation of structural rules.</p>
<p>A third tendency lies in participants&#x2019; pursuit of &#x201C;understanding women,&#x201D; which consistently leads them toward the visual surface and institutionalized experiences, forming a cognitive re-disciplining of desire under the guise of knowledge. The notion of &#x201C;understanding&#x201D; ultimately returns to a visual epistemology of &#x201C;to see is to know&#x201D;: appearance, posture, seduction, rivalry, pregnancy, and miscarriage become central clues to &#x201C;understanding women,&#x201D; while women&#x2019;s self-definition and discursive positions are largely excluded. This orientation is intertwined with the historical dual disciplining of sexuality and morality in Chinese modernity. Sexuality, long rendered shameful and obscured in cultural narratives (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref44">Zhou, 2024</xref>), reemerges on screen as a legitimate form of voyeurism, justified through historicization and aestheticization, while pleasure arises from the resecured transgression. Thus, scopophilia within the cultural context of harem dramas exhibits three defining characteristics: substitutive desire, the safety of distance, and pseudo-empathic understanding.</p>
<p>In comparison with Western texts, the Chinese context reveals an additional layer of entanglement between eroticism and ritual propriety. Order and ceremonial decorum serve both as the frame that renders desire visible and as the device that depoliticizes it. Participants&#x2019; attraction to the disciplined spectacle of opulence situates eroticism within a gentle aesthetic climate, where the violence of the gaze is translated into an approachable admiration. This transformation renders what <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref151">Hardy (2004)</xref> terms &#x201C;active voyeurism&#x201D; into a soft domination in local narratives, one that maintains structural privilege under the guise of care and understanding, allowing aesthetic pleasure and power hierarchy to mutually reinforce each other. For this reason, texts featuring &#x201C;strong female protagonists,&#x201D; such as SYP and LZH, do not inherently dismantle the male gaze; rather, they reinforce patriarchal logic through the spectacle of &#x201C;visible strength.&#x201D; The display of agency does not equate to the deconstruction of institutional order, and the emergence of female subjectivity does not entail the replacement of perspective (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref44">Zhou, 2024</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref41">Yang, 2021</xref>). Accordingly, both the empirical evidence from interviews and the textual analysis converge to demonstrate that scopophilia in contemporary Chinese harem dramas functions as a viewing economy synchronized by historical ethics, aesthetic systems, and cognitive rhetoric.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec9">
<label>5.1.3</label>
<title>Ritual propriety, soft domination and pseudo empathic understanding</title>
<p>In comparison with Western texts, the Chinese context reveals an additional layer of entanglement between eroticism and ritual propriety. Order and ceremonial decorum serve both as the frame that renders desire visible and as the device that depoliticizes it. Participants&#x2019; attraction to the disciplined spectacle of opulence situates eroticism within a gentle aesthetic climate, where the violence of the gaze is translated into an approachable admiration. This transformation renders what <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref151">Hardy (2004)</xref> terms &#x201C;active voyeurism&#x201D; into a soft domination in local narratives, one that maintains structural privilege under the guise of care and understanding, allowing aesthetic pleasure and power hierarchy to mutually reinforce each other.</p>
<p>For this reason, texts featuring &#x201C;strong female protagonists,&#x201D; such as SYP and LZH, do not inherently dismantle the male gaze; rather, they reinforce patriarchal logic through the spectacle of &#x201C;visible strength.&#x201D; The display of agency does not equate to the deconstruction of institutional order, and the emergence of female subjectivity does not entail the replacement of perspective (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref44">Zhou, 2024</xref>; <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref41">Yang, 2021</xref>). Accordingly, both the empirical evidence from interviews and the textual analysis converge to demonstrate that scopophilia in contemporary Chinese harem dramas functions as a viewing economy synchronized by historical ethics, aesthetic systems, and cognitive rhetoric. Taken together, these dynamics illustrate how the feminized sphere is constructed as an esoteric site where desire, visual pleasure, and symbolic knowledge are fused.</p>
</sec>
</sec>
<sec id="sec10">
<label>5.2</label>
<title>Emphasized identity: the presence of feminist ideology</title>
<sec id="sec11">
<label>5.2.1</label>
<title>Narrative impressions of female-centered storytelling and emotional distance</title>
<p>In the participants&#x2019; narratives, the projection of identity and the presence of anxiety constitute the central psychological experience underlying men&#x2019;s viewing of harem dramas. This experience involves both an imaginative resonance with the idea of women power and a manifestation of the male subject&#x2019;s self-defense and instability of identification within the act of gazing. Most participants emphasized the novelty of narratives centered on female protagonists, regarding it as an alternative perspective that distinguishes these dramas from traditional historical narratives. As one interviewee noted:</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>I think harem dramas are different from old historical dramas. Men have become supporting roles, and women take the lead. Their strategies, emotions, and intellect are placed at the forefront, which feels refreshing and allows me to see how they survive. (P40)</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>In subsequent interviews, when asked whether they had ever experienced &#x201C;identification&#x201D; or &#x201C;empathy&#x201D; while watching, most participants displayed a complex form of emotional detachment. Some participant remarked:</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>I can understand Zhen Huan&#x2019;s situation, but I wouldn&#x2019;t say I see myself as her. She&#x2019;s too calm and too powerful, a bit unreal. But when she finally gains control, I feel a kind of thrill, as if that sense of power is something I can relate to. (P21)</p>
</disp-quote>
<disp-quote>
<p>When watching SYP, I found Wei Yingluo&#x2019;s cleverness and boldness fascinating, but her ruthlessness also scared me. A person like that would be difficult to get along with in real life. (P38)</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Notably, when discussing real-world issues concerning women, several participants displayed cognitive dissonance. One respondent observed:</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>&#x201C;I know there are still news stories like the chained woman in Xuzhou. It&#x2019;s really disturbing to see that. Sometimes harem dramas make me think about these problems.&#x201D; (P16)</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>This emotional trace does not extend into a substantive shift in subject position. As another participant expressed,</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>Sometimes I feel these dramas focus too much on women, as if men are just decorations. Watching too much of it makes me a bit uncomfortable, though I can&#x2019;t explain exactly why. (P08)</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>More complex still, several homosexual participants demonstrated a distinct gaze logic compared to heterosexual men. One respondent (homosexual) remarked:</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>&#x201C;When I watch LZH, I don&#x2019;t focus on their beauty but on the emotions between them, like the love and hate between the Empress and Zhen Huan. That relationship reminds me of the power balance between my partner and me.&#x201D; (P09)</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>To this extent, the dynamics reveal a constellation of reactions that combine novelty, emotional reservation, ambivalent empathy, and subtle discomfort.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec12">
<label>5.2.2</label>
<title>From empathetic distance to the unperturbed gaze</title>
<p>A consistent pattern across the interviews suggests that male viewers engage with harem dramas through a mode of emotional proximity that is continually moderated by self-protective distancing. Although the specific expressions vary across participants, the broader contour is remarkably stable: most respondents acknowledge the appeal of female-centered narratives, yet simultaneously resist full identification. This combined tendency of attraction and withdrawal provides the groundwork upon which the unperturbed gaze takes shape.</p>
<p>Within this pattern, moments of resonance rarely extend into sustained self-implication. Participants recognize women&#x2019;s vulnerability or strategic intelligence, but their engagement remains largely observational. Across the interviews, such responses form a recurring structure rather than isolated reactions, which suggests that distancing is not simply an individual habit but a shared interpretive strategy. The interviews collectively reveal that empathy becomes acceptable only when it remains controlled, and understanding becomes meaningful only when it does not require the viewer to reposition himself. This slow oscillation between partial resonance and quick retreat forms the experiential basis from which the unperturbed gaze emerges.</p>
<p>Moreover, in this framework, the unperturbed gaze cannot be reduced to the absence of desire. Instead, it derives from the careful modulation of affective participation. The viewers do not reject empathy outright; they regulate it. This dynamic marks a shift from Mulvey&#x2019;s direct erotic gaze to a form of watching that incorporates moral language and reflective postures without relinquishing the stability of the male subject. The shared pattern of &#x201C;I can understand, but I do not enter&#x201D; observed across interviews exemplifies this affective calibration.</p>
<p><xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref28">Sartre&#x2019;s (1984)</xref> keyhole metaphor further illuminates the limits of this calibration, although its logic operates in reverse. When the dramas foreground strong female subjectivity, the viewers do not encounter an ethical rupture but a mild discomfort. This discomfort appears across several interviews as an inarticulate yet recognizable response, suggesting that it is not an anomaly but part of the collective grammar of male spectatorship. Instead of shame or destabilization, participants respond with defensive reflection, an interpretive move that reaffirms the safety of distance.</p>
<p>This defensive stance is compatible with <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref21">Liang&#x2019;s (2022)</xref> account of oscillation between understanding and denial and with <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9001">Luo and Feng (2021)</xref> observation that contemporary men often recode female power into narratively acceptable forms. Across interviews, this recoding appears not as a conscious rationale but as a patterned interpretive reflex. The unperturbed gaze is formed through this reflex: it absorbs the invitation to empathize while redirecting its political implications into controlled, neutralized contemplation.</p>
<p>In sum, the interviews indicate that unperturbed gaze is a cultural mechanism that stabilizes the viewer&#x2019;s position by allowing emotional circulation without risking identity disturbance. It is a means of acknowledging complexity while preserving boundaries. This dynamic provides the necessary conceptual bridge to the following section, where such stabilization becomes visible as an ongoing re-bordering of the male subject.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec13">
<label>5.2.3</label>
<title>Identity negotiation as re-bordering of the male subject</title>
<p>If the unperturbed gaze describes the structure of controlled emotional engagement, the interviews reveal that identity negotiation represents the psychological work that sustains this structure. Across the sample, male viewers consistently describe harem dramas as offering insights into women&#x2019;s emotional lives, yet the act of &#x201C;understanding women&#x201D; repeatedly leads back to the viewers&#x2019; own interpretive needs. The interviews therefore point not only to a shared distancing strategy but to a broader process through which the male subject rearticulates his identity in relation to female narratives.</p>
<p>The interplay between empathy and distance observed across interviews becomes the mechanism through which identity is buffered rather than transformed. The thrill expressed when female characters attain power, contrasted with the reluctance to identify with their suffering, reflects an emotional pattern replicated by multiple participants. This pattern suggests that viewers engage in a symbolic appropriation of female resilience, selectively internalizing moments that enhance their sense of agency while sidestepping moments that might unsettle their position. Identification thus occurs only in forms that do not require vulnerability, creating a model of self-reflection that is partial and strategically constrained.</p>
<p>This constrained identification aligns with <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref39">Xue&#x2019;s (2016)</xref> account of soft domination from a media psychological perspective. The interviews show that male viewers are not indifferent to gender issues; instead, they perceive and process these issues in ways that consolidate rather than disrupt their subject positions. The recurrent stance of &#x201C;understanding from the outside,&#x201D; expressed in different formulations across participants, suggests that reflexivity becomes a means of reinforcing rather than loosening the boundaries of the self.</p>
<p>Identity negotiation therefore operates as a subtle re-bordering practice. The viewer&#x2019;s position is not defended through overt rejection but through interpretive sophistication, where understanding becomes a mode of retaining advantage. The interviews display a notable convergence on this point: whether participants express empathy, fascination, discomfort, or moral concern, each response ultimately resolves into an affirmation of observational authority. The multiplicity of emotions expressed across interviews does not undermine this authority; it collectively strengthens it by offering diverse routes through which the viewer may remain central.</p>
</sec>
</sec>
<sec id="sec14">
<label>5.3</label>
<title>The new discipline in the male community: segmentation and incorporation of the male gaze</title>
<sec id="sec15">
<label>5.3.1</label>
<title>Narratives of diva identification and repression resistance</title>
<p>Among the 41 male participants in this study, 25 explicitly identified themselves as homosexual or as belonging to a sexual minority. When asked about men who enjoy harem dramas, many respondents immediately associated this preference with sexual orientation. As one interviewee put it,</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>&#x201C;Gay men are more likely to watch it. Initially, this TV series is intended for girls and is female-oriented. Among the audiences, gay men are similar to girls in terms of femininity. Alternatively, I can say that the sense of femininity will be stronger for gay men&#x201D; (P07).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>These remarks situate gay male viewers as especially attuned to the affective textures and relational dynamics of female-centered narratives.</p>
<p>Within this sample, homosexual participants repeatedly grounded their viewing interest in a sense of empathy with &#x201C;repression and resistance.&#x201D; One respondent explained,</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>&#x201C;I have always loved LZH, not because the plot is complex, but because I am fascinated by the way these women speak and strategize. To me, their struggles are not about men but about asserting the self within oppression&#x201D; (P35).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Such comments indicate that the attraction lies less in romantic entanglements than in the spectacle of agency under constraint.</p>
<p>Several interviewees further stated that they tended to project themselves onto particular characters, especially those portrayed as intelligent, decisive, and willing to challenge hierarchical power structures. This tendency to &#x201C;step into&#x201D; the position of resilient and strategic heroines suggests a process of emotional substitution, in which female protagonists function as vehicles for negotiating the viewers&#x2019; own experiences of marginalization. At the same time, some participants reported that their engagement did not always take the form of direct identification with women.</p>
<p>One interviewee observed,</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>&#x201C;I think relationships between men also contain that kind of competition for attention. Watching harem dramas makes me realize that straight men in real life compete in similar ways. It&#x2019;s just about jobs and status instead of affection&#x201D; (P06).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Here, the palace competition for favor becomes a metaphor for broader male social competition, and the feminine field of rivalry is retranslated into a commentary on masculine worlds.</p>
<p>The interviews also highlight the centrality of language and address in community interaction. One participant remarked,</p>
<disp-quote>
<p>&#x201C;The way of addressing &#x2018;sisters&#x2019; in LZH is extremely popular among the gay community. Previously, we lacked a word to describe the relationship between gay men. Words such as &#x2018;bro&#x2019;, &#x2018;buddies&#x2019;, and &#x2018;friend&#x2019; are all used by straight men. However, the term &#x2018;sis&#x2019; can describe the relationship between gay men that is closer than a common friendship but more distant than love. It also has another function. Sometimes, we use the names of the concubines in the TV series to address each other to indicate status relationships. To convey the meaning of &#x2018;I do not take you seriously,&#x2019; we call him &#x2018;this elder sister&#x2019; or &#x2018;this younger sister&#x2019;&#x201D; (P11).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Other interviewees described how iconic lines from LZH are used in daily banter. For example, phrases such as &#x201C;Cuiguo, slap her mouth&#x201D; or &#x201C;If this palace is not allowed to act recklessly, then this palace has already acted recklessly several times&#x201D; are quoted and re-enacted for comic effect (P15), often alongside references to other popular texts such as <italic>Tiny Times</italic>.</p>
<p>For many gay participants, therefore, harem dramas provide more than escapist entertainment. They serve as a reservoir of images, emotions, and linguistic resources through which viewers negotiate repression and resistance, imagine alternative positions of power, and build shared repertoires of address and insider coded references.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec16">
<label>5.3.2</label>
<title>Homosocial gaze, sisterhood and linguistic infrastructure</title>
<p>These empirical patterns indicate that the viewing practices of homosexual participants can be understood as a distinct configuration of the male gaze, one that may be described as a homosocial gaze embedded within a broader gay gaze. In contrast to classical formulations that center on heterosexual men as active lookers, this homosocial gaze proceeds through identification with female protagonists, lateral comparison with other men, and a strong emphasis on shared emotional codes. Mulvey&#x2019;s analysis of the Western male gaze conceptualizes the gaze primarily as an active heterosexual looking that objectifies women as surfaces of visual pleasure. The interviews suggest that such a model does not fully capture the nuances of gay spectatorship, particularly when harem dramas serve as a key cultural resource in Chinese gay communities.</p>
<p>The participants&#x2019; accounts of projecting themselves onto resilient female characters and finding satisfaction in scenes of resistance align closely with <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref12">Drukman&#x2019;s (1995a)</xref> and <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref9">Comeforo&#x2019;s (2014)</xref> concept of diva identification. Through this mechanism, gay male viewers symbolically compensate for experiences of marginalization by aligning themselves with the performative agency of powerful female figures. In the Chinese context, this form of diva worship has undergone a cultural transposition: by watching how women negotiate and survive within patriarchal systems, homosexual audiences simultaneously reflect on their own positions within a heteronormative social order. The protagonists&#x2019; strategies and emotional outbursts thus become allegorical templates for negotiating vulnerability and power.</p>
<p>At the level of everyday interaction, the homosocial gaze extends beyond the screen into a shared semiotic environment. The widespread use of &#x201C;sister,&#x201D; &#x201C;sis,&#x201D; and concubine titles among gay men indicates that harem dramas have provided a vocabulary through which relationships can be named, nuanced, and playfully contested. <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref2">Biagini&#x2019;s (2017)</xref> discussion of sisterhood in the context of religious and minority women emphasizes mutual support and collective struggle against gendered and racialized oppression. In the present study, the adoption of &#x201C;sisterhood&#x201D; among gay audiences does not merely replicate this original meaning; it re-signifies the term as a marker of intimacy, solidarity, and humorous hierarchy within male circles. This re-signification underscores the flexibility of sisterhood as a concept that can travel across gendered and cultural boundaries while preserving its core emphasis on mutual recognition.</p>
<p>The interviews further show that harem dramas have become a linguistic infrastructure for gay communities. Iconic lines, character names, and recurring scenes are not only remembered but actively re-performed in everyday conversation, online interactions, and group activities. Practices such as mimicking dialogue, assigning concubine names as nicknames, and transforming scenes into memes convert narrative content into communicative codes. <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref37">Wu (2025)</xref> characterizes this phenomenon as a quasi-feminized linguistic ethics, in which male community communication is reconfigured around a repertoire of expressions originally designed for female characters and settings. Within this reconfigured linguistic environment, speaking &#x201C;as a concubine&#x201D; or &#x201C;as a sister&#x201D; becomes a way to articulate nuanced social positions and emotional states.</p>
<p>In sum, platform mediated practices based on such dramas amplify these dynamics by turning individual viewing into collective performance. The circulation of bullet-screen comments, the creation and sharing of memes, and the organization of offline cosplay or group viewing events transform &#x201C;watching&#x201D; into &#x201C;performing together.&#x201D; These forms of embodied participation give visibility to community solidarity. They also reposition the gay gaze as an active agent in meaning-making, rather than a passive reception of pre-existing representations. In this sense, the homosocial gaze operates as both a reading strategy and a mode of social production, through which gay audiences transform harem dramas into a shared symbolic resource for sustaining bonds, negotiating status, and articulating difference.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="sec17">
<label>5.3.3</label>
<title>The gay gaze as a lateral mechanism within the genealogy of the male gaze</title>
<p>The foregoing analysis suggests that the gay gaze in contemporary Chinese harem dramas functions as a lateral mechanism within the broader genealogy of the male gaze, rather than as a complete break from patriarchal structures. The interview materials indicate that this gaze possesses at least three salient cultural characteristics in the Chinese context. First, the inversion of hierarchy in harem dramas, where women move from marginality to centrality, serves as a narrative device through which gay men repair emotional fractures within their own circles. The endurance and eventual retaliation of female protagonists are interpreted as allegorical models for confronting social marginalization, giving rise to a shared emotional alliance that affirms the community&#x2019;s capacity to &#x201C;withstand&#x201D; and &#x201C;strike back&#x201D; against symbolic or institutional oppression.</p>
<p>Second, the symbolic repertoire of traditional decorum, rank, and ritual in harem dramas provides a rich inventory for playful imitation. Titles, court hierarchies, and ceremonial etiquette are humorously transposed into contemporary social interactions, where they function as tools for both parody and subtle commentary on status. This use of classical order as a living resource within gay communities shows how historical forms of discipline and hierarchy can be re-scripted into modes of everyday play, without entirely losing their structuring connotations. Through this process, the gay gaze does not simply observe; it re-enacts and reconfigures existing power codes in miniature.</p>
<p>Third, digital platforms intensify the collective performativity of the gay gaze. The practices of real-time commentary, meme circulation, and organized viewing events transform identification with female protagonists into a shared performance of community. These activities, less commonly observed among heterosexual audiences in the study, reveal the extent to which the gay gaze functions as a group-based mode of engagement that carries a strong mobilizing quality. The gaze is not only directed toward the screen but also reflected among participants, who evaluate one another&#x2019;s wit, taste, and creativity in reworking harem material.</p>
<p>Within this configuration, the gay gaze may be described as a lateral mechanism that supports what can be termed a &#x201C;patriarchal grip.&#x201D; Rather than dissolving the paradoxical structure of the male gaze, it redistributes and rearticulates it. Male subjectivity secures a form of soft perpetuation through the process of &#x201C;mutual identification via her,&#x201D; in which male viewers recognize one another through shared admiration of female figures who themselves remain embedded in patriarchal structures. Female characters are re-objectified, not only by heterosexual men but also through cycles of necessity, parody, and reciprocal validation within gay communities. Their symbolic labor sustains the emotional and communicative economies of the community, while the underlying gender order of the narratives remains largely intact.</p>
<p>At the same time, the interview data point to a non-negligible critical potential within the gay gaze. Some participants explicitly noted the high cost of the female protagonist&#x2019;s victory and questioned the extent to which patriarchal structures are truly transformed by the end of the narrative. These reflections have led, in certain circles, to debates and reinterpretations of feminist ethics, in which community members discuss whether their admiration for heroines inadvertently reinforces or challenges existing power relations. Such discussions suggest that the gay gaze can also function as a site of ethical inquiry, where viewers confront the contradictions between emotional identification and structural complicity.</p>
</sec>
</sec>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="conclusions" id="sec18">
<label>6</label>
<title>Conclusion</title>
<p>This study adopts unperturbed gaze as an overarching theoretical framework and, by integrating textual analysis with findings from in-depth interviews, elucidates the multi-layered psychological mechanisms and visual political structures that characterize male viewing practices in contemporary Chinese palace intrigue dramas. The analysis indicates that voyeuristic desire, identity negotiation, and homosocially inflected modes of looking together constitute a logic of viewing marked by de-conflictualization and the suspension of responsibility. Through the aestheticization of pleasure and the maintenance of ethical distance, gendered power relations are softened into consumable cultural experiences, thereby enabling a reorganization rather than a disruption of patriarchal order.</p>
<p>Within the Chinese context, voyeuristic desire is reconfigured as a form of positional allocation within the symbolic order rather than as a purely visual impulse. Identity negotiation does not amount to a substantive shift toward empathic transformation but instead stabilizes preexisting subject-object distinctions through a mirrored cycle of proxy identification. Gay gaze, while appearing to depart from heterosexual norms, frequently reaffirms discursive boundaries and group authority through cultural symbols such as diva worship. The operative logic that emerges can thus be summarized through three interlocking mechanisms: the aestheticization of desire, the gamification of difference, and the depoliticization of power. The outcome is the reproduction of an &#x201C;unfinished male subject&#x201D; sustained at a safe distance, a subject that confirms itself through looking, secures itself through boundary drawing, and neutralizes critical force through the selective appropriation of feminist vocabulary. Rather than weakening the male gaze, this configuration represents a postmodern reorganization that binds the advancement of desire to the deferral of ethical engagement, allowing looking to function as a form of soft governance over gender order, one that preserves objectification while evading self-transformation.</p>
<p>A multi-method approach is employed to examine the same phenomenon from complementary angles, thereby mitigating the limitations and biases inherent in any single method and enhancing both interpretive depth and analytical credibility. On the basis of these findings, the analysis suggests that visual discipline at the level of textual form, audience discursive practices, and platform-based logics of circulation mutually reinforce one another within this viewing apparatus. Female-centered narratives at the level of content, rather than destabilizing this configuration, are readily absorbed as consumable spectacles of &#x201C;strong women.&#x201D; Correspondingly, audience-level performances of feminist stance frequently slide into shallow appropriation through ethically unperturbed modes of engagement.</p>
<p>In this sense, the findings contribute a practice-centered theoretical perspective to the study of gendered looking in Chinese female-oriented cultural production, supplementing existing approaches that have largely focused on narrative subjectivity or representational politics. Prior scholarship on female-oriented texts has often taken women&#x2019;s visibility and the politics of desire as its point of entry. <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref31">Song (2020)</xref>, for example, interprets SYP as a cultural mechanism of reconciliation centered on female subjectivity. Within that framework, female characters attain narrative and visual visibility through heightened moral self-discipline, sustained emotional labor, and the symbolic repair of historical order. Such visibility, rationalized through affect and moral elevation, enables a stable coexistence between national imagination and gender politics. By contrast, the present analysis shifts attention to male viewing practices as the site through which affective adjustment and subjective stabilization are accomplished in female-oriented texts. Strong female visibility, rather than necessarily triggering ethical transformation in viewing structures, is more likely to be reworked into a low-friction mechanism of affective regulation, allowing male subjects to maintain boundaries while achieving self-stability. In this process, female-oriented narratives are converted into technologies of governance at a safe distance, enabling confirmation through looking, coherence through boundary maintenance, and immunity through feminist appropriation, all without incurring the costs of self-reconfiguration.</p>
<p>A parallel argument can be found in <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="ref38">Xi (2025)</xref>, where female gaze and voyeuristic desire are conceptualized as forms of empowered gazing. Female readers derive voyeuristic pleasure from the aestheticized contemplation of male bodies and intimate relations, projecting a more autonomous subjectivity and a neoliberal sensibility through imaginaries of idealized masculinity. Such creative practices, however, remain constrained by the dual pressures of market forces and state regulation, resulting in a dilution of political orientation that resists reduction to a simple subversion of patriarchy.</p>
<p>The present findings extend this discussion from another angle. Within Chinese female-oriented visual texts, male audiences do not occupy a merely excluded or passive position but instead develop a viewing strategy characterized by ethical neutralization. Here, unperturbed voyeurism is no longer driven by gender reversal but is reorganized through distancing and symbolic mediation in order to alleviate identity threat and preserve subjective coherence. The form of voyeuristic desire identified thus functions as a male adaptive mechanism generated within female-oriented cultural production, revealing how the politics of looking are redistributed across gendered subjects through platform-based modes of circulation.</p>
<p>On this basis, a central claim emerges: the expansion of female subject visibility does not necessarily entail a rewriting of power relations but more often manifests as a variant of the viewing economy. Within this configuration, unperturbed gaze becomes increasingly legible as a low-risk technology of affective regulation, transforming voyeuristic desire into a mode of safe entry into female-oriented narratives while maintaining structural continuity in gender order through depoliticized consumption.</p>
<p>This study nonetheless has certain limitations. The empirical material is drawn primarily from platform-based communities, and the sample size does not fully capture variations in male viewing psychology across different media environments and social strata. Future research may extend this line of inquiry through experimental designs incorporating psychometric measures and physiological indicators, testing the reparative emotional effects of aesthetic distance or the dynamics of identity threat. Further investigation may also explore narrative and algorithmic interventions capable of activating ethical engagement, including multi-subjective perspectives, the foregrounding of ethical conflict, and decentered recommendation mechanisms. More broadly, the analysis demonstrates how the paradoxical relation between understanding and gazing is depoliticized and translated into affective synchronization within platformized communication. In doing so, it offers a testable middle-range theoretical framework for examining emotional regulation, boundary maintenance, and group attunement in viewing psychology, while also suggesting avenues for creative practice through which ethical friction and intersubjective resonance might be reintroduced via multi-voiced narration, conflict articulation, and de-synchronizing design strategies.</p>
</sec>
</body>
<back>
<sec sec-type="data-availability" id="sec19">
<title>Data availability statement</title>
<p>Requests for access to the complete dataset should be directed to the corresponding author, who will consider such requests on a case-by-case basis, ensuring that all privacy and confidentiality requirements are met. Requests to access the datasets should be directed to <email xlink:href="mailto:xuteng816@126.com">xuteng816@126.com</email>.</p>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="ethics-statement" id="sec20">
<title>Ethics statement</title>
<p>This study was reviewed and approved by the Ethics Committee for Scientific Research Involving Human Participants at Shanghai Jiao Tong University (Approval No. H20240633I). The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. The participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study. Written informed consent was obtained from the individual(s) for the publication of any potentially identifiable images or data included in this article.</p>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="author-contributions" id="sec21">
<title>Author contributions</title>
<p>TX: Conceptualization, Writing &#x2013; original draft, Writing &#x2013; review &#x0026; editing.</p>
</sec>
<ack>
<title>Acknowledgments</title>
<p>The author express her gratitude to all participants for their invaluable contributions during the preliminary stages of the project.</p>
</ack>
<sec sec-type="COI-statement" id="sec22">
<title>Conflict of interest</title>
<p>The author(s) declared that this work was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.</p>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="ai-statement" id="sec23">
<title>Generative AI statement</title>
<p>The author(s) declared that Generative AI was not used in the creation of this manuscript.</p>
<p>Any alternative text (alt text) provided alongside figures in this article has been generated by Frontiers with the support of artificial intelligence and reasonable efforts have been made to ensure accuracy, including review by the authors wherever possible. If you identify any issues, please contact us.</p>
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<sec sec-type="disclaimer" id="sec24">
<title>Publisher&#x2019;s note</title>
<p>All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.</p>
</sec>
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</ref-list>
<fn-group>
<fn fn-type="custom" custom-type="edited-by" id="fn0001">
<p>Edited by: <ext-link ext-link-type="uri" xlink:href="https://loop.frontiersin.org/people/1760012/overview">Manoj Samarathunga</ext-link>, Rajarata University of Sri Lanka, Sri Lanka</p>
</fn>
<fn fn-type="custom" custom-type="reviewed-by" id="fn0002">
<p>Reviewed by: <ext-link ext-link-type="uri" xlink:href="https://loop.frontiersin.org/people/3197248/overview">Huike Wen</ext-link>, Willamette University College of Medicine, United States</p>
<p><ext-link ext-link-type="uri" xlink:href="https://loop.frontiersin.org/people/3344021/overview">Ran Xi</ext-link>, The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong SAR, China</p>
</fn>
</fn-group>
<app-group>
<app id="app1">
<title>Appendix</title>
<p>
<bold>Semi-Structured Interview Outline</bold>
</p>
<p>We are doctoral students from the School of Media and Communication at a university in Shanghai. Our current research project focuses on the viewing motivations and behaviors of audiences who watch palace intrigue dramas (for example, <italic>Legend of Zhen Huan</italic>, <italic>Ruyi&#x2019;s Royal Love in the Palace</italic>, and <italic>Story of Yanxi Palace</italic>). This interview aims to discuss your motivations for watching such dramas. It will be conducted online and last approximately 50&#x2013;90&#x202F;min, during which we will exchange ideas and experiences. According to the informed consent form you previously signed, all interview results will be used solely for academic research purposes, and your personal information will remain strictly confidential. Thank you for your participation and cooperation.</p>
<p>Personal Information:</p>
<list list-type="order">
<list-item>
<p>Age</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>Occupation</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>City of residence</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>Sexual orientation</p>
</list-item>
</list>
<p>Motivations for Watching Harem dramas:</p>
<list list-type="order">
<list-item>
<p>Which harem dramas have you watched? Which ones do you like most, and what aspects attract you?</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>Who are your favorite characters? Why do you like them?</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>Do you experience a sense of immersion or identification while watching?</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>Are there any storylines or lines of dialogue that impressed you deeply? How did they make you feel?</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>Do you ever rewatch these dramas? Which scenes or episodes do you tend to revisit?</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>Besides watching the dramas, do you engage in related activities? For example, do you read the original novels, use character memes, or watch fan-made videos?</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>If you use character stickers or memes, in what situations do you use them? Could you give an example?</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>Do you think many men today enjoy harem dramas? What do you think attracts them to such shows?</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>How do you perceive other men who enjoy harem dramas? Do you communicate with them?</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>Do you discuss these dramas with friends? What topics do you usually focus on?</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>Do you watch harem dramas purely out of enjoyment, or are there other motivations behind your interest?</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>Have harem dramas had any influence on your daily life?</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</app>
</app-group>
</back>
</article>