Research on news framing is well-established within media and communication studies (De Vreese, 2005; An and Gower, 2009; Giles and Shaw, 2009; Jungblut and Zakareviciute, 2019). Framing refers to the selective presentation of information to emphasise specific aspects of an issue while omitting others, thereby shaping audience perceptions and influencing public discourse (Gitlin, 1980; Güran and Özarslan, 2022; Santos et al., 2022). The framing process is inherently shaped by journalistic routines, editorial policies, institutional dynamics, and broader ideological currents. Understanding how these factors influence the construction of media narratives is relevant when examining complex, transnational challenges such as climate change.

The digital era has transformed journalism by pushing traditional broadcasters to adopt multi-platform strategies and digital technologies. This shift has been driven by changing audience behaviours, technological advancements, and increasing competition in the media landscape. Television channels now extend far beyond scheduled programming, expanding into websites, YouTube, and various social media platforms to maintain relevance amid rapid digital convergence (Lunga and Musvipwa, 2021; Prihatmadi, 2024; Becker, 2012). In Jordan, as elsewhere, legacy media have leveraged digital technologies to reach audiences who increasingly consume news via mobile and online platforms, mirroring global media trends (El Takach et al., 2022; Tapsell, 2017). This convergence has led to the integration of traditional formats with digital storytelling techniques, resulting in innovative journalism that combines text, video, and real-time audience interaction (Fauzi et al., 2023; Zhaxylykbaeva et al., 2024). As media organisations continue to navigate these changes, their ability to adapt digitally has become essential for survival and growth (Gissani et al., 2024; Suwanto, 2023; Ahmad et al., 2022).

Climate change constitutes a global challenge, yet its impacts are unevenly distributed; the Middle East, Jordan in particular, is acutely vulnerable, facing intensifying water scarcity, soaring temperatures, regional instability, and more frequent extreme weather events (Tamang, 2024; Tan, 2024; Salameh and Abdallat, 2020; Khresat, 2016; Nawafleh, 2022; Qtaishat et al., 2022; Samuels et al., 2011; Pink, 2018). However, despite the urgent need for scientifically informed public discourse, media coverage in the region often struggles to convey the complexity and local relevance of climate change. This is due in part to institutional limitations and reliance on simplified narratives that prioritise immediate appeal over depth. As a result, the framing of climate issues may dilute the perception of urgency and hinder public engagement and policy response (Ahmed and Khalid, 2011; Zhaxylykbaeva et al., 2024).

While this study focuses on institutional and top-down framings in mainstream broadcast media, it is critical to acknowledge that climate change communication is not limited to one-way dissemination from experts, governments, or journalists to a passive public. A substantial body of research now highlights the significance of bi-directional and participatory forms of environmental communication, wherein local actors, schools, rural associations, and art-based initiatives contribute stories, experiential knowledge, and alternative framings (Hofman-Bergholm, 2022; Murphy et al., 2016; Roig, 2024; Tyszczuk, 2021). These approaches enable climate narratives to enter into dialogue with diverse community voices, fostering grassroots engagement, agency, and innovative responses to the climate crisis. Although civil society and local initiatives are less visible in mainstream Jordanian television coverage, this broader communicative ecology must be recognised to fully appreciate the dynamics of climate change discourse in Jordan and elsewhere.

Against this backdrop, the field of climate change communication has grown in prominence, aiming to inform the public, policymakers, and stakeholders about the causes, impacts, and solutions to climate change (Hansen, 2017; Canon et al., 2022). Notably, recent years have witnessed a convergence between climate communication and digital journalism, as media practitioners increasingly employ interactive, multi-platform strategies to engage broader audiences and enhance public understanding (Linh et al., 2024).

Within this evolving communicative landscape, the present study investigates how two leading Jordanian television broadcasters AlMamlaka TV and Jordan TV, frame climate change. The study also focuses on their editorial strategies and their use of visual imagery as well as their narrative logics. As principal sources of environmental information in Jordan, these channels offer a distinctive comparative case for examining the intersection of local framing practices and global climate discourses, which is a perspective that is underexplored in existing scholarship.

Situated within the acute environmental realities of the Middle East and Jordan’s pronounced vulnerability to climate change, especially in the form of chronic water scarcity, this research is both timely and significant. By systematically analysing the approaches of these two broadcasters, the study advances theoretical understanding of media framing in non-Western contexts while offering empirical insights into the construction and dissemination of climate change narratives. Importantly, this contextual focus not only illuminates the distinctive priorities and communicative strategies adopted by Jordanian media but also enriches broader academic discourse on the interplay between regional media practices and global environmental challenges. In doing so, the study responds to calls for greater scholarly attention to comparative, visual, and regional perspectives in climate change communication research.

This study pursues three main objectives: (1) to compare the framing strategies of AlMamlaka TV and Jordan TV in their representations of climate change; (2) to elucidate the narrative, visual, and editorial logics underpinning each broadcaster’s approach; and (3) to examine the implications of institutional identity and editorial mission for climate communication in Jordan. Accordingly, this research is therefore guided by the following questions:

How do AlMamlaka TV and Jordan TV differ in their framing of climate change in terms of problem, cause, solution, and responsibility?

Climate change communication (CCC) has evolved significantly in recent years, driven by both the escalating climate crisis and the rapid transformation of the media landscape (Abdullah, 2023). One of the central challenges in CCC is the inherent complexity and abstract nature of climate change itself. As climate change unfolds over extended periods and produces widespread global impacts, individuals often find it challenging to relate to the issue on a personal level (Markowitz and Guckian, 2018). These characteristics pose a significant challenge for communicators, especially journalists and activists, who must translate these scientific realities into accessible and urgent narratives for the public. In Jordan, however, these challenges are compounded by the country’s acute vulnerability to environmental degradation and water resource scarcity. Jordan is ranked among the world’s most water-scarce nations and faces recurrent droughts, rising average temperatures, and rapid urbanisation, all of which amplify the urgency of effective climate communication (Salameh and Abdallat, 2020; Khresat, 2016; Qtaishat et al., 2022). In recent years, these impacts have become increasingly tangible for ordinary Jordanians, as extreme heatwaves, water shortages, and deteriorating crops now affect daily life across urban and rural communities. Against this backdrop, Jordanian television remains the primary and most trusted source of news for the majority of citizens (Jordan Media Institute, 2022). Coverage of climate change in national broadcast media is thus shaped not only by the technical and narrative challenges of the issue itself, but also by institutional structures. This dual context of environmental urgency and media centralization provides a critical lens for understanding the comparative framing strategies of AlMamlaka TV and Jordan TV explored in this study.

The role of journalism in communicating climate change has become increasingly vital (Schäfer and Painter, 2021; Okoliko and de Wit, 2023; Abdikappar, 2024). As highlighted by Schäfer and Painter (2021), climate journalism plays a pivotal role in shaping public understanding of the causes, consequences, and potential solutions to climate change. However, the evolving media ecosystem, with its shifting economic conditions and the rise of digital and social media platforms, has changed the way climate change is covered (Okoliko and de Wit, 2023). Traditional climate journalism is facing declining resources and specialised reporters, especially in the Global South, where the coverage of climate issues remains scarce (Schäfer and Painter, 2021). Journalists’ roles have shifted from gatekeeping to curating content, often amplifying voices from a broader range of stakeholders, including activists and policymakers, thereby reshaping the narratives around climate change (Abdikappar, 2024).

It is important to note that in Jordan and more broadly across Arab media, local civil society and grassroots climate action are rarely featured independently in television coverage (Abdellatif, 2023). Instead, environmental stories are typically mediated through expert or institutional perspectives. When local or community-led initiatives are included, they often appear as extensions of official campaigns rather than as autonomous actors in the climate narrative.

In addition, climate movement actors, especially on social media, have increasingly taken on a direct role in framing the climate discourse (Murugan et al., 2023; Hart et al., 2024). As Chen et al. (2022) emphasised that social media, particularly X, previously Twitter, has become an essential platform for advocating climate action, especially in youth-led movements. An example of these movements are Fridays for Future, Sunrise Movement and Extinction Rebellion. These movements shared one overarching goal, which is the focus on raising awareness about climate change and taking action on the ground regarding political and policy changes. Research discourse on these platforms is somewhat politicised, with a strong focus on attributing blame to political figures and industries for inaction (Chen et al., 2022). So far, many mainstream media channels tend to shed light on global leaders’ inaction as well as the economic consequences of climate change (Aarya, 2023). While only few studies focus on the political engagement from the public (Hügel and Davies, 2020).

On the other hand, research has indicated that there are several challenges in communicating the implications of climate change to the public. One of the most prominent challenges in climate change communication is the public’s perception of the issue as psychologically distant, and although strategies based on Construal Level Theory can reduce this distance and heighten concern, such shifts do not consistently result in increased engagement or pro-environmental behaviour (Kim, 2023). Also, the cultural polarisation surrounding climate change complicates efforts to communicate the urgency of the crisis (Levine and Kline, 2017). In particular, the issue has become politically charged, with partisan divides shaping individuals’ perceptions of both the problem and potential solutions. This cultural divide necessitates that communicators tailor their messages to specific audiences, as a uniform, one-size-fits-all approach is unlikely to achieve the desired impact (Markowitz and Guckian, 2018).

Within media studies, the concept of “framing” is especially important for understanding these challenges and responses. A “problem-oriented frame” refers to coverage that emphasises the negative impacts, risks, or immediate threats associated with climate change, often focusing on disaster and crisis (De Vreese, 2005; Knowles and Scott, 2020). Conversely, “solutions journalism” seeks to highlight positive responses, constructive action, and opportunities for societal engagement (AbdelGhaffar, 2024). The effectiveness of climate communication is closely tied to how these frames are constructed, who is included as a source or protagonist, and whether narratives engage both attitudinal and behavioural dimensions of public response.

While traditional media and movement actors may raise awareness, the framing of the issue itself is what determines how effectively individuals engage with the topic. Research has shown that framing climate change in terms of immediate risks to personal wellbeing, such as health or food security, may increase public concern; however, it may not necessarily translate into political action (Levine and Kline, 2017). This suggests that communicators need to consider both attitudinal shifts and behavioural changes when framing climate-related messages.

Media plays a vital role in shaping how the public understands and responds to global challenges such as climate change (Geschke et al., 2010; Olausson, 2011; Jingala and Chaudhry, 2023; Abdikappar, 2024). In this context, framing theory provides a useful conceptual lens for examining how media narratives influence public perception and policy discourse. As de Vreese (2005) explains, frames are “persistent patterns of cognition, interpretation, and presentation” that simplify complex issues and offer interpretive shortcuts for audiences. Through this mechanism, media coverage can subtly shape not only how climate change is understood but also how its societal and policy implications are evaluated (Nimegeer et al., 2019; Khanya, 2024).

Scholars such as Gitlin (1980) and Song (2024) have highlighted the role of journalistic framing in selecting which aspects of an issue to emphasise and which to de-emphasise. These frames, whether oriented around catastrophe, solutions, or economic loss, function as cognitive templates that guide public interpretation. In climate coverage, this can range from dramatic portrayals of extreme weather to narratives focused on adaptation and innovation (Painter et al., 2023). The choice of frame, therefore, may either elevate public concern or, in some cases, diffuse it by normalising risk or overstating uncertainty (Chong and Druckman, 2007).

For instance, Knowles and Scott (2020) examined how media narratives about climate risk affected perceptions within the ski tourism industry. Their study identified common frames such as the economic frame, focusing on financial implications, and the disaster frame, which highlighted existential threats to ski infrastructure. While these framings were effective in raising visibility, the authors caution that a narrow focus on economic loss can obscure the broader environmental urgency of the crisis. Similarly, Hemker’s (2020) comparative study of U.S. and German news coverage found frequent use of risk amplification and dramatisation. Although such strategies may capture attention, they may also distort the complexity of climate issues, inadvertently reducing audience engagement with long-term solutions.

Existing research suggests that the framing of climate change in media coverage can significantly influence public emotional responses. For instance, Maran and Begotti (2021) found a positive correlation between media exposure and climate anxiety, particularly among younger audiences. Media outlets that frequently spotlight extreme weather events or dire predictions from scientists may inadvertently contribute to a sense of helplessness. Yet, paradoxically, such emotional responses can also serve as a motivational force: individuals who feel alarmed may become more inclined to believe in their capacity to contribute to climate mitigation efforts. This illustrates the dual role that media can play not only amplifying concern but also fostering a sense of agency and engagement.

Relatedly, the perceived quality and framing of media coverage appear to shape how the public evaluates proposed responses to climate change. According to Wicke and Taddicken (2021), many audiences express a preference for solution-oriented journalism coverage that provides concrete examples, diverse viewpoints, and actionable paths forward. This stands in contrast to more sensationalist portrayals, which often emphasise catastrophic scenarios without outlining practical alternatives. As Wicke and Taddicken argue, reframing climate change as a challenge that can be addressed, rather than an inevitable disaster, may increase public engagement by making the issue feel both comprehensible and solvable.

The political orientation of media outlets also plays a notable role in shaping climate narratives. In their analysis of television coverage of the IPCC’s, 2021 report, Painter et al. (2023) observed a shift in focus from scientific scepticism to what they term “response scepticism.” This latter form, often prevalent in conservative media environments, reflects doubt not about the science itself but about the feasibility or cost-effectiveness of proposed policies. While this type of framing does not necessarily deny climate change, it may weaken policy momentum by fostering public hesitation or resistance.

Another critical dimension involves how responsibility and ethical imperatives are framed in climate discourse. As Olausson (2011) and Painter et al. (2023) note, media narratives often vary in whether they assign responsibility to states, corporations, individuals, or global institutions. The inclusion or omission of moral appeals can shape how audiences understand both agency and accountability. This study, therefore, pays particular attention to how themes of responsibility and ethical obligation are presented (or excluded) in Jordanian television coverage, and how these patterns may influence public willingness to support climate action.

When discussing climate change within the context of the Middle East, a question has to be taken into consideration. Is the region being studied a natural resource-rich or poor region? Jordan, for example, is considered a country with a chronic water scarcity problem (Eskjær, 2017). This problem, which is arguably due to climate change and the rising temperatures, is affecting farmers and the water used daily in regular Jordanian households. Therefore, in terms of the media coverage regarding climate change issues in the Arab world, it varies depending on the location of the country and the most relevant issues that matter to people in that country and the issues that they feel are tangibly affecting their lives.

So most Arab media outlets operate within complex and varied political and economic environments in a region that is always suffering from ongoing wars and migrations that are now felt by many as chronic crises. Such environments often shape how climate change is represented in national discourse. In some countries, news coverage tends to emphasise global developments and reports on international events and summits while giving comparatively limited attention to domestic climate realities (Al-Tahat, 2024). This tendency may be partly attributable to broader regional priorities, where political stability and economic development continue to take precedence. As a result, climate change is often framed through the lens of international agreements, such as the Paris Agreement, which may not always resonate with the lived environmental concerns of local communities (Abdellatif, 2023).

However, recent years have witnessed what appears to be a gradual pivot towards more solutions-oriented climate journalism across parts of the Arab world. This shift has coincided with high-profile climate summits, most notably COP27 and COP28. This could reflect a growing recognition of the value of highlighting constructive responses to environmental challenges. Solutions journalism, with its emphasis on actionable strategies and success stories, has gained traction as a way to reframe climate discourse in ways that inspire engagement rather than despair (AbdelGhaffar, 2024). Media outlets in Jordan, whether print, audio, or televised, are also making an effort to make citizens aware of the urgency of the matter. Climate coverage is becoming somewhat regular and taking up more space in the news. Many news outlets present successful stories around water-saving strategies and irrigation methods that promote the consumption of less water.

In countries like the United Arab Emirates, media outlets focus on reporting local and regional solutions which they are pioneering in such as their advanced development in renewable energy infrastructure and water management initiatives, and international partnerships targeting environmental resilience. This kind of media coverage is sort of uplifting when thinking about the climate crisis. However, since this research is concerned with television coverage of climate change, there is the caveat that television sometimes lacks dramatic or aesthetically compelling footage, which may lead to the climate issue being covered not being well represented (León and Erviti, 2015).

The following section presents the findings derived from both the quantitative content analysis and the qualitative thematic analysis of climate change coverage on AlMamlaka TV and Jordan TV.

The qualitative analysis of climate change coverage on AlMamlaka TV and Jordan TV builds upon the coded quantitative data to uncover the symbolic, emotional, and narrative dimensions shaping each broadcaster’s framing of climate change. While the quantitative results provide important descriptive patterns, the qualitative dimension reveals how these patterns work together to construct meaning and influence audience perceptions. The five themes discussed below encapsulate recurring visual and narrative strategies identified across the two channels. The analysis draws on systematically transcribed video excerpts from 2023 broadcasts to explore both commonalities and points of editorial divergence. This approach enables a comparative understanding of how each broadcaster visually constructs the climate change narrative.

The findings of this study suggest that both AlMamlaka TV and Jordan TV tended to frame climate change predominantly through “Problem” and “Cause” lenses. This observation appears to be consistent with established trends in environmental journalism (Weathers and Kendall, 2016; Turnhout et al., 2019; Qtaishat et al., 2022). Both channels frequently emphasised the immediate risks associated with extreme weather events, particularly environmental degradation and water scarcity. For example, several segments from AlMamlaka TV incorporated vivid imagery of wildfires and drought-stricken areas, often accompanied by emotionally evocative music and language. Such portrayals described the climate crisis as “a looming catastrophe” and “a threat to future generations,” which may be intended to heighten audience urgency and emotional involvement. This narrative approach appears to align with earlier findings that emotionally charged visual framing can amplify public concern (Brantner et al., 2011; Salazar et al., 2022; Duan and Bombara, 2022). It is worth noting that these representations may influence public perception, especially when media coverage foregrounds tangible environmental impacts (Knowles and Scott, 2020; Miller and Rice, 2025). The study data also revealed some variation in how the two channels framed potential solutions. While Jordan TV’s treatment of solutions towards climate have put forward some strides but it remained not as much as needed for such an urgent climate crisis the world is undergoing. AlMamlaka TV embraced a more solutions-oriented narrative, featuring segments on renewable energy, technological innovation, and climate adaptation initiatives.

Notably, the conceptual distinction between “cause,” “attribution of responsibility,” and “moral/ethical” framing is particularly relevant in understanding how climate change narratives construct agency and shape public responses (Olausson, 2011; Jang, 2013). While both channels emphasised causes and immediate risks, explicit attribution of responsibility was more prevalent on Jordan TV, typically focusing on state actors. AlMamlaka TV, by contrast, more often diversified responsibility through inclusion of NGO and private sector voices. Moral and ethical considerations such as justice, intergenerational equity, or global solidarity were largely absent or only implicit. The absence of these frames may restrict the extent to which media foster a sense of shared obligation or promote more dialogic, participatory engagement with climate solutions.

The qualitative data included several illustrative segments in which scientific experts discussed potential strategies for mitigating climate impacts. These appearances found on both AlMamlaka TV and Jordan TV seemed to underline a view of climate change not only as an urgent threat but also as a solvable challenge. This emphasis could arguably be aligned with a broader global trend towards solutions-oriented narratives in climate communication (Wicke and Taddicken, 2021). That said, the two channels differed in how prominently they advanced such narratives. Jordan TV’s coverage appeared to centre more narrowly on identifying problems and their immediate causes, often relying on official government statements that focused on national policy responses. Broader or more innovative solutions were rarely explored in depth. AlMamlaka TV, by contrast, seemed to adopt a more proactive editorial strategy, aiming to cultivate public optimism and engagement by highlighting actionable responses. These distinctions were also apparent in the tonal qualities of their coverage, with AlMamlaka TV conveying a more hopeful and mobilising tone, while Jordan TV maintained a comparatively neutral and institutional framing of climate issues.

Additionally, the findings of this study suggest that AlMamlaka TV often adopted a more alarm-oriented tone to convey a heightened sense of urgency. This was particularly evident in emotionally charged segments that highlighted the catastrophic consequences of rising temperatures and extreme weather conditions. Such framing appears to align with previous scholarship suggesting that alarmist narratives may be effective in stimulating awareness and urgency (Maran and Begotti, 2021). In contrast, Jordan TV seemed to maintain a more neutral tone, relying on consistent factual reporting and restrained visual language. This editorial stance may reflect an intention to build audience trust through objectivity and institutional credibility.

Visual strategies also reflected these editorial distinctions between the two institutions. AlMamlaka TV appeared to rely more on emotionally resonant imagery, such as footage of glacial retreat and drought-impacted agricultural areas. This can be seen as a plausible way to enhance audience engagement and emotional identification with the climate problem. It is also matched with previous research highlighting the role of evocative visuals in fostering public concern (Brantner et al., 2011; Aljalabneh, 2024). Jordan TV, on the other hand, tended to limit its visual framing to community-based initiatives or government-led events, which reinforces its preference for an informational rather than emotionally driven approach.

Furthermore, the findings suggest notable differences in the inclusion of sources across the two channels. AlMamlaka TV appeared to give more space to scientific experts, who offered insights into the complexities and implications of climate science. Their presence arguably contributed to an enhanced perception of urgency and credibility, particularly through discussions that spanned both immediate and long-term climate impacts. This editorial strategy supposedly reflects a broader media tendency to foreground expert voices to bolster legitimacy (Painter et al., 2023). Jordan TV, by contrast, relied somewhat more on governmental officials, whose contributions tended to emphasise current policy initiatives and the role of the government in addressing environmental issues.

Differences in geographic framing also emerged from the qualitative analysis. AlMamlaka TV frequently situates Jordanian climate challenges within a global context, often referencing international climate accords and shared responsibilities. This approach indicates an effort to frame local issues as part of a collective global narrative. In contrast, Jordan TV’s coverage focused more narrowly on domestic concerns, such as water scarcity and agricultural productivity, thus positioning climate change primarily as a national policy issue rather than a transnational crisis.

This study has given a slightly more weight to quantitative content analysis, with the qualitative component serving to contextualise and interpret statistical patterns. While this mixed-methods design provided a broad view of framing practices, a more balanced or integrated approach incorporating detailed textual, genre, or multimodal analysis would yield richer insights into narrative construction, audience reception, and the affective power of visual strategies (Braun and Clarke, 2006; Hansen, 2017; Jungblut and Zakareviciute, 2019). Future research should thus pursue more granular analysis of symbolic forms, genre conventions, and interactive dimensions, possibly through the use of advanced software or participatory audience studies.

This study explored the climate change coverage presented by two of Jordan’s leading television broadcasters, AlMamlaka TV and Jordan TV. While both channels addressed key environmental challenges, the findings suggest that they did so through noticeably different editorial strategies. AlMamlaka TV appeared to prioritise urgency, often incorporating alarmist visuals, expert commentary, and narratives oriented towards actionable solutions. This approach reflects an effort to engage viewers emotionally while reinforcing the need for immediate response. In contrast, Jordan TV adopted a more restrained, factual tone, with a stronger emphasis on governmental sources and institutional messaging. These editorial distinctions appear to illustrate broader institutional priorities and highlight the media’s influential role in shaping public understanding of climate change. This study combined quantitative content analysis with qualitative thematic interpretation. It has provided a multi-layered understanding of media framing in the Jordanian context. This study contributes to visual communication scholarship by demonstrating how visual framing techniques shape audience perceptions and potential behavioural responses to climate challenges. This analysis necessitates the need for Jordanian media and policymakers to foster more inclusive, participatory, and solutions-focused climate communication. Such kinds of solutions could incorporate both expert and grassroots voices. By doing so, they can enhance public trust, expand the range of possible responses, and support the development of locally resonant climate strategies. Scholars should continue to explore the intersections of media, policy, and civil society. Scholars may employ innovative methodological approaches to capture the evolving complexity of climate change discourse in the region.

Media outlets should enhance solutions-oriented coverage, highlighting innovations and community resilience strategies to foster public optimism and proactive engagement.