Image schema theory suggests that humans comprehend the world through embodied experiences, forming “images” that help grasp abstract concepts (Li, 2019). Image schemas are dynamic cognitive patterns rooted in human perceptual interactions and motor experiences, offering coherence and structure to our understanding of the world (Johnson, 1987; Hampe, 2005). In CCL, image schemas are crucial for examining how conceptual metaphors and metaphorical mappings shape human experiences and influence discourse.

Image schemas connect with other schemas for effective comprehension and interpretation of the world, demonstrating dynamic adaptability (Utsunomiya, 2002). This adaptability allows elements of basic image schemas to combine in broader contexts, creating compound image schemas (Besold et al., 2017). The inferential capability of metaphor networks lies in mentally simulating these schema elements’ interactions. When different image schema metaphors converge, they form a compound image schema (Kimmel, 2005). Structurally, these compound schemas are composed of several basic image schemas, offering a comprehensive and three-dimensional portrayal of events. Basic image schemas can form complex compound schemas through processes like merging, collection, and structuring (Hedblom, 2020) (see Figure 1). Figure 1

Three types of image schema combinations (merge, collection, structured) (Hedblom, 2020:104).

Discourse Space Theory (DST) originates from Chilton’s (2004) concept of the Discourse World. Chilton posits that discourse constructs a “reality space” defined by discourse producers, encompassing various meanings from projections of “who, when, where did what to whom” (Chilton, 2004). Individuals can position themselves at the origin of this space, using dimensions of space, time, and modality to comprehend entities (see Figure 2). Figure 2

Time, space and modality model (Chilton, 2004:58).

This study aims to critically analyze Japanese editorials related to the Fukushima nuclear contaminated water discharge incident, focusing on identifying dominant compound image schemas in environmental risk discourse and their roles in linking discourse space with ideological implications. It examines how discourse producers use image schemas and strategies to restructure discourse space to legitimize their nuclear contaminated water discharge proposals and persuade the audience.

The specific research questions include:

Data for this research were extracted from the Japanese version of Asahi Shimbun’s editorials. Established in 1879, Asahi Shimbun is widely recognized not only as one of Japan’s three major national newspapers but also as a leading voice often critical of the Japanese government, particularly on issues related to environmental and social policies. Its editorial stance is typically more liberal and progressive compared to its counterparts. Asahi Shimbun’s approach allows it to maintain a critical distance from government narratives, making it a valuable source for examining public discourse on contentious topics like the Fukushima Nuclear Contaminated Water discharge. By focusing on Asahi Shimbun, this study captures the critical and often oppositional framing of environmental risks, providing insights into how media can challenge government actions and influence public perception.

The selection of editorials was based on relevance to the topic of nuclear contaminated water discharge, using “treated water” as a keyword. Editorials were chosen specifically because they represent the formal stance and ideological opinion of the newspaper, serving as a direct reflection of the publication’s voice and position on critical issues. Unlike news articles, which are expected to maintain neutrality, editorials are explicitly designed to persuade and influence readers by presenting a coherent argument on current events, often aligning with the newspaper’s broader ideological orientation. In the context of this study, editorials provide a rich source of data for analyzing how media outlets construct and disseminate their positions on controversial topics, such as the Fukushima Nuclear Contaminated Water discharge, and how these positions may impact public discourse and perception. The analysis period spanned from three days following the Japanese government’s decision to process and discharge Fukushima’s nuclear-contaminated water into the ocean on April 13, 2021, to April 15, and from three days after the actual commencement of the discharge on August 25, 2023, to August 27. All the entries listed in Table 1 are indeed editorials and not op-eds. Each of these entries reflects the editorial stance of Asahi Shimbun on the respective dates. The data were carefully verified to ensure that only official editorials were included in the analysis, providing an accurate representation of the newspaper’s position on the nuclear contaminated water discharge issue. This yielded a total of 11 articles and 18,163 words. The selection was focused on ensuring that all articles were editorials and not op-eds, to maintain consistency in analysis. Although the focus of this study is on Asahi Shimbun, it is important to note the communicative context provided by Japan’s other major newspapers. Yomiuri Shimbun, known for its conservative and pro-government stance, largely supported the government’s decision to discharge the wastewater, framing it as a necessary and scientifically justified action that aligns with international safety standards. In contrast, Mainichi Shimbun adopted a more cautious tone, highlighting concerns about environmental impact and public health, often questioning the adequacy of government explanations and calling for greater transparency. These differing perspectives illustrate the polarized media landscape in Japan, where each outlet’s coverage reflects distinct ideological leanings that influence public perception of the issue.

Basic image schemas within discourse can be identified and interpreted using both explicit and implicit linguistic indicators (Sugai, 2001; Tseng, 2007). This study draws upon existing research on Japanese image schemas and uses the qualitative analysis software NVivo 11 to identify and analyze explicit and implicit linguistic indicators within the nuclear-contaminated water discharge editorials, with clauses as the unit of analysis. Explicit linguistic indicators are those expressions with clear image directions, while implicit indicators are those expressions tied to human embodied cognition without explicit image directions.

Compound image schemas arise from the amalgamation of basic image schemas. The analytical procedure in this study entails, firstly, identifying basic image schemas in sentences based on specific linguistic expressions at the clause level. Subsequently, by considering the context, semantic relationships of the editorials, and methods for forming compound image schemas, these image schemas are categorized to ascertain the common types of compound image schemas.

Path-type compound image schemas highlight the linear progression of events, effectively reflecting the discourse producers’ communicative purposes (Liu and Hu, 2022). As shown in Table 2, within the editorials analyzed in this study, the proportion of path-type compound schemas reaches 71.2%, significantly higher than the 14.7% share of container-type compound schemas.

(1) 既定路線の海洋放出 (PATH—海洋放出)が決定されたのは、タンクが敷地の空きスペースが逼迫し、廃炉作業へ (GOAL—廃炉作業)の支障すら (BLOCKAGE—支障)懸念されてからだった。

Kite rosen no kaiyō hōshutsu (PATH—kaiyō hōshutsu) ga kettei sareta no wa, tanku ga shikichi no aki supēsu ga hippaku shi, hairyo sagyō e (GOAL—hairyo sagyō) no shishō sura (BLOCKAGE—shishō) kenen sarete kara datta.

The decision to discharge treated water into the sea along the predetermined route (PATH—discharge treated water into the sea) was made when it became apparent that the site’s available space for tanks was becoming limited, raising concerns that this could even become an obstacle (BLOCKAGE—obstruction) to the decommissioning process (GOAL—decommissioning). (Asahi Shimbun, 2021/04/14, no. 3)

In our daily interactions with objects and individuals within our surroundings, we often face obstacles that impede the positive progression of events. This experience gives rise to the BLOCKAGE schema, wherein individuals confronted with obstructions generally seek ways to overcome, bypass, or traverse these hindrances (Johnson, 1987). Blockages typically denote the obstruction of force, associated with negative implications, reflected in the construction of sentences using argument and predicate structures. Predicate structures serve as a linguistic device for attributing specific qualities to people, objects, events, actions, or social phenomena, delineating essential processes and outcomes (Zhang and Zhang, 2022:89).

In Example (1), the noun “路線” (route) activates the path schema, with the particle “の” (into) designating the goal of the path as “海洋放出” (discharge into the sea) metaphorically rendering the decommissioning process as a “path.” Following this, the noun “支障” (obstacle) triggers the blockage schema, and the context explicitly denotes that the limited available space for “タンク” (tanks) has become a significant encumbrance to the decommissioning efforts. Thus, through the amalgamation of basic image schemas, Example (1) metaphorically portrays the limited available space for nuclear-contaminated water storage as an obstacle on the path to decommissioning, crafting a path-type compound image schema of PATH + GOAL + BLOCKAGE.

Within this framework, as depicted in Figure 3, releasing nuclear-contaminated water into the ocean is perceived as an essential measure to alleviate the “obstacle.” By employing a clear, logically structured path-type compound image schema to distinctly showcase the agentive actions, the act of discharging nuclear-contaminated water is characterized as a vital step towards reducing the obstacle, thereby lending rational support to the Japanese government’s policy decision.

(2) (全国漁業協同組合連合会の)もろ手を挙げ賛成を得られないなら、首相(AGENT—日本政府)が直談判して風評対策などを約束し手続きを進める(PATH—手続きを進めるプロセス)しかない(BLOCKAGE—全漁連)。

(Zenkoku gyogyō kyōdō kumiai rengōkai no) morote o age sansei o erarenainara, shushō (AGENT—Nihon seifu) ga jikodanpan shite fūhyō taisaku nado o yakusoku shi tetsuzuki o susumeru (PATH—tetsuzuki o susumeru purosesu) shikanai (BLOCKAGE—from JF Zengyoren).

Without sufficient support from the National Federation of Fisheries Cooperative Associations (JF Zengyoren), the prime minister (AGENT—the Japanese government) has no choice but to personally negotiate, promising measures against reputational damage, and proceed with (PATH—process of advancing procedures) despite the obstruction (BLOCKAGE—from JF Zengyoren). (Asahi Shimbun, 2021/04/14, no. 4)

The National Federation of Fisheries Cooperative Associations, also known as “JF Zengyoren,” represents Japanese fishermen. JF Zengyoren opposes dumping nuclear-contaminated water into the sea due to fears of its potentially harmful effects on fishing. The document illustrates that the verb “進める” (proceed with) is used to metaphorically depict the act of releasing contaminated water as moving along a pathway. It is argued that if the Japanese government does not secure JF Zengyoren’s full backing on this issue, the Prime Minister will have no choice but to personally take charge of pushing through these measures. Essentially, JF Zengyoren is likened to a roadblock in this scenario, creating a metaphorical image of an AGENT (the Prime Minister) encountering a BLOCKAGE (JF Zengyoren) along a PATH (the process of water discharge). The verb “進める” (proceed with) metaphorically illustrates the process of overcoming this obstruction. JF Zengyoren is depicted as a significant hurdle not just in addressing Fukushima’s nuclear-contaminated water issue but also in the broader context of revitalizing Japan’s northeast region, suggesting it must be bypassed or eliminated. Given the magnitude of this obstruction, the narrative suggests that only the direct intervention of the Prime Minister, as a significant force, can clear this path, hinting at the government’s view of JF Zengyoren’s stance as fundamentally unreasonable.

(3) 中国外務省の趙立堅副報道局長(AGENT—中国政府)は14日の定例会見で「海洋は日本のゴミ箱ではなく、太平洋も日本の下水道ではない」などと強く(SCALES—強く)批判し(COMPULSION—外部からの圧力)、周辺国や国際原子力機関(IAEA)との協議が合意に至るまで (PATH—外集団との協議)放出を始めないよう求めた(COMPULSION—外部からの圧力)。

Chūgoku gaimushō no Chō Riken fuku hōdō kyokuchō (AGENT—Chūgoku seifu) wa 14-nichi no teirei kaiken de ‘kaiyō wa Nihon no gomibako de wa naku, Taiheiyō mo Nihon no gesuidō de wa nai’ nado to tsuyoku (SCALES—tsuyoku) hihan shi (COMPULSION—gaibu kara no atsuryoku), shūhenkoku ya kokusai genshiryoku kikan (IAEA) to no kyōgi ga goi ni itaru made (PATH—gaishūdan to no kyōgi) hōshutsu o hajimenai yō motometa (COMPULSION—gaibu kara no atsuryoku).

At the regular press conference on the 14th, Deputy Director of the Press Bureau Zhao Lijian of the Chinese Foreign Ministry (AGENT—the Chinese government) strongly criticized (SCALES—intensity; COMPULSION—pressure) Japan, stating, ‘The ocean is not Japan’s trash can, nor is the Pacific Ocean Japan’s sewer,’ and urged (COMPULSION—pressure) Japan not to start discharging until it reaches an agreement (PATH—the process of reaching an agreement with ‘outsiders’) with neighboring countries and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). (Asahi Shimbun, 2021/04/15, no. 6)

The concept of compulsion, as a subset of the broader notion of force, stems from our understanding of force as something that has a source, strength, and direction. For instance, in situations where a crowd begins to push, one might feel driven by an almost inescapable force, moving along a predetermined path (Johnson, 1987). This idea of compulsion in discourse allows for the application of a tangible or intangible force upon the reader, aimed at achieving particular communicative objectives. In Example (3), the use of the phrase “合意に至るまで” (until it reaches an agreement) brings the PATH schema into play, likening the Japanese government’s efforts to reach agreements with its neighbors and international entities to traveling along a pathway. Meanwhile, the verbs “批判する” (criticize) and “求める” (urge) activate the COMPULSION schema. When intertwined with the path schema, they create a nuanced compound image schema of AGENT + SCALES + COMPULSION + PATH, illustrating how compulsion exerts its influence. Within this layered schema, the force of compulsion emanates from the Chinese government, aimed squarely at Japan’s decisions regarding the disposal of nuclear-contaminated water. This effectively emphasizes the narrative focus on the actions of societal actors.

In Example (3), the objectivity of the report seems to be maintained through the direct citation of comments from a spokesperson for the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Nevertheless, given that the primary audience of this news piece consists of the Japanese public, who share an “in-group” alignment with the Japanese government, the consistently opposing Chinese government and its spokesperson are cast as part of an “out-group.” The Japanese media posits that the Chinese government aims to politicize the issue of discharging nuclear-contaminated water, a perspective colored by the differing stances of the involved parties. This framing suggests to the news’s primary audience that the compound image schema in Example (3) illustrates a force directed from the “out-group” toward the “in-group,” representing a discursive threat to the latter. In such a scenario, the path schema delineates “in-group” from “out-group” identities, where the discourse and judgments of the “out-group” bear negative implications, clashing with and standing in opposition to those of the “in-group.” Such portrayal inevitably provokes skepticism within the “in-group” regarding the legitimacy of the “out-group’s” stance.

(4) もともと処理水の海洋放出に慎重だった南太平洋の国々(AGENT—南太平洋の国々)では、7月のIAEAの調査報告の発表後に態度を変えてきた (PATH—態度の変化)国も少なくない。

motomoto shorisui no kaiyō hōshutsu ni shinchō datta Minami Taiheiyō no kuniguni (AGENT—Minami Taiheiyō no kuniguni) de wa, 7-gatsu no IAEA no chōsa hōkoku no happyōgo ni taido o kaete kita (PATH—taido no henka) kuni mo sukunakunai.

After the IAEA released its investigative report in July, numerous South Pacific countries (AGENT—South Pacific Island countries), initially cautious regarding the ocean discharge of treated water, have shifted their positions (PATH—the process of attitude change). (Asahi Shimbun, 2023/08/25, no. 7)

In the nuclear sector, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) plays a pivotal role, especially in its stance regarding the Fukushima nuclear-contaminated water discharge issue. Example (4) demonstrates how the use of the verb “~てきた” (have shifted) triggers a path schema, conceptualizing the shifting attitudes of South Pacific countries as a journey, thereby crafting a compound image schema of an agent navigating a path. Following Japan’s disclosure of its plan to release the contaminated water into the sea in April 2021, the IAEA dispatched an inspection team. This team verified that the radiation impact from the contaminated water on humans is significantly lower than Japan’s regulatory standards (Hamada, 2022). By referencing opinions from third parties like the IAEA and countries in the South Pacific, the discourse producers effectively frame the discharge of nuclear-contaminated water as an internationally accepted practice.

Exclusion, as analyzed in the context of the Asahi Shimbun’s coverage of the Fukushima contaminated water discharge, is the tactic where discourse producers deliberately overlook certain social actors and their actions to favor a particular group, effectively erasing these actors from the portrayed social reality (Van Leeuwen, 2008). The investigation shows that nearly 70% of the report’s references come from government and nuclear industry sources, predominantly supporting the contaminated water discharge (Zhang, 2023). By sidelining opposing views and bringing in neutral international voices like the IAEA, directly quoting their scientific assessments, the producers seem to maintain an objective reportage facade. However, the bulk of the cited information aligns with and legitimizes the Japanese government’s controversial decision to release the contaminated water into the ocean.

Grounded in the physical experience of space, the CONTAINER schema delineates the interior from the exterior through its boundaries and spatial organization, metaphorically representing protection and limitation for the entities it encloses (Nabeshima, 2003). This conceptual framework allows discourse producers to sharply define “in-group” versus “out-group,” fostering feelings of either safety or alienation among their audience. Such distinctions contribute to reinforcing connections to or denying certain identities. In the context of legitimization, the audience’s ability to recognize and align with “ingroup-outgroup” dynamics is especially crucial.

(5) 具潤哲国務調整室長(AGENT—韓国政府)は…「周辺国の安全と海洋環境に危険を招く(CONTAINER—日本の周辺国と海洋環境)だけでなく、日本に最も近い隣国である韓国と十分な合意や了解なく行われてきた (PATH—汚染水海洋放出)一方的な措置だ」と語った。

Ku Jun-chul kokumu chōsei shitsuchō (AGENT—Kankoku seifu) wa… “shūhenkoku no anzen to kaiyō kankyō ni kiken o maneku (CONTAINER—Nihon no shūhenkoku to kaiyō kankyō) dake de naku, Nihon ni motto chikai ringoku de aru Kankoku to jūbun na goi ya ryōkai naku okonawarete kita (PATH—osen mizu kaiyō hōshutsu) ippōteki na sochi da” to katatta.

Koo Yoon-chul, chief of the Office for Government Policy Coordination (AGENT—the South Korean government), stated, ‘This unilateral action has been taken (PATH—the process of discharging nuclear-contaminated water into the sea) without sufficient consensus or understanding with South Korea, Japan’s nearest neighbor, not only posing risks to (CONTAINER—surrounding countries) the safety and marine environment of neighboring countries.’ (Asahi Shimbun, 2021/04/13, no. 1)

(6) 韓国の韓悳洙首相(AGENT—韓国政府)は24日、「政府を信じて、科学を信じてください」と国民向けのメッセージを発した (PATH—国民向けのメッセージを発した)。福島にあるIAEAの現地事務所に韓国の専門家を派遣し (PATH—専門家を派遣し)、日本が安全基準を守っているかどうか確認すると発表 (CONTAINER—安全基準の確認を発表)。

Kankoku no Kan Dok-su shushō (AGENT—Kankoku seifu) wa 24-nichi, ‘seifu o shinjite, kagaku o shinjite kudasai’ to kokumin muke no messeeji o hashitta (PATH—kokumin muke no messeeji o hashitta). Fukushima ni aru IAEA no genchi jimusho ni Kankoku no senmonka o haiken shi (PATH—senmonka o haiken shi), Nihon ga anzen kijun o mamotte iru ka dō ka kakunin suru to happyō (CONTAINER—anzen kijun no kakunin o happyō).

On July 24, Prime Minister Han Duck-soo (AGENT—the South Korean government) issued a message to the citizens (PATH—conveying a message to the public), stating, ‘Please trust the government and trust science.’ He further declared that South Korea would send experts to (PATH—dispatching experts) the IAEA’s local office in Fukushima to conduct a verification to ascertain whether Japan complies with safety standards (CONTAINER—the process of verification). (Asahi Shimbun, 2023/08/25, no. 7)

Examples (5) and (6) reveal how the stance of the South Korean government shifted before and after the formal discharge of nuclear-contaminated water. In Example 5, the narrative employs specific grammatical markers and verbs to activate the notion of containers and compulsion. The phrase “に危険を招く” (posing risks to) uses the preposition “に” (to) and the verbs “に危険を招く” (posing risks to) to activate the CONTAINER schema, defining the boundaries within which risks occur. Additionally, the verb “語った” (stated) signals the exertion of force, highlighting the COMPULSION schema by indicating pressure on Japan to comply with external demands. The use of spatial movement concepts, i.e., origin, destination, direction, and the connecting path, underscores this narrative (Holland, 2018). Example (5) thus crafts a compound image schema where Japan, as an external actor, moves towards imposing a threat upon the internal group, depicted through a journey metaphor.

In contrast, Example (6), concerning the actual discharge phase, utilizes language that suggests protection and adherence to a path, maintaining the compound image schema but with a delicate shift in narrative focus. The phrase “安全基準を守っているかどうか確認すると発表” (conduct a verification to ascertain whether Japan complies with safety standards) activates a CONTAINER schema as it metaphorically sets the boundaries within which the verification process occurs, suggesting a confined area of operation. As the event’s narrative unfolds, the portrayal of involved parties evolves where the South Korean government’s opposition is prominent in the earlier phase, its stance softens and becomes more ambiguous by the time of actual discharge, reflecting a strategic recalibration of its position.

This narrative shift illustrates how “in-group” and “out-group” identities are fluid and can change based on the discourse entities’ alignments. Although Examples (5) and (6) aim for objectivity by quoting South Korean positions, the framing in the Japanese media context may lead to perceptions of South Korea as an “out-group” contrasted against Japan’s “in-group” alignment with its public. The use of COMPULSION and PATH schemas across these examples highlights varying levels of imposed actions and perceived threats, with the COMPULSION schema indicating a stronger, more forceful impact that is harder to resist compared to the PATH schema. In the discourse around nuclear-contaminated water discharge, the changing tones of South Korea’s opposition pale in semantic force compared to the more pronounced stance taken by China, underscoring the complexities of international relations and public perception in environmental crises.

(7) ブリンケン米国務長官 (AGENT—米国政府)は今月15日の記者会見で「日本の計画は安全で、IAEAの安全基準を含む国際基準に(CONTAINER—国際社会)一致しており、我々は満足している」と語った。

Burinken Beikoku Muchōkan (AGENT—Beikoku seifu) wa kongetsu 15-nichi no kisha kaiken de ‘Nihon no keikaku wa anzen de, IAEA no anzen kijun o fukumu kokusai kijun ni (CONTAINER—kokusai shakai) itchi shite ori, wareware wa manzoku shite iru’ to katatta.

U.S. Secretary of State Blinken (AGENT—the U.S. government), at a press conference on the 15th of this month, stated, “We are satisfied that the Japanese plan is safe and aligns with international standards (CONTAINER—the international community), including those of the IAEA.” (Asahi Shimbun, 2023/08/25, no. 7)

Much like the path schema, integrating the container schema into basic image schemas is a strategic way to underscore the central theme or issue of an event (Liu and Hu, 2022: 20). Example (7) adeptly redirects the controversy’s spotlight using a container-based compound image schema. By invoking the concept of “国際基準” (international standards) through a noun, this example triggers the container schema, crafting a complex image of AGENT + CONTAINER. Within this scenario, from a debate standpoint, the United States government serving as the agent is portrayed as a more objectively credible social actor compared to the Japanese government. This sophisticated image underscores that by adhering to globally recognized norms, the Japanese government positions itself as a participant within the broader “international” container. This subtly informs readers that Japan aligns with the international community’s “in-group,” endorsing and upholding global order and regulations. Consequently, Japan’s actions regarding the discharge of nuclear-contaminated water are framed as deserving support and acknowledgment from other “in-group” entities, such as countries and organizations. This narrative technique effectively redirects public scrutiny from questioning the Japanese government’s decision-making process to critiquing the stance of “out-group” countries skeptical of the discharge, thus cleverly shifting the controversy’s focal point.