Meat and other animal products are considered being the centerpieces of a meal in many cultures (Twigg, 1983). Due to the high demand, global production of animal products increased considerably from 2000 to 2014 (meat by 39%, milk by 38%; FAO, 2018). With an annual meat consumption of about 80 kg per capita, the amount consumed in Europe is twice as high as recommended from a health perspective (WCRF, 2007; Ritchie and Roser, 2017). Negative consequences of excessive meat consumption such as cardiovascular problems, oncological diseases, and type 2 diabetes have been shown in a number of studies (e.g., McAfee et al., 2010; Micha et al., 2010). Recent findings also argue against the widespread belief of a disadvantage of a vegetarian (renouncing meat and fish) or a vegan (renouncing all animal products and thus meat, fish, milk, eggs, and honey) diet (Leitzmann, 2014) because both types have been shown to be associated with lower risk of chronic diseases (Appleby and Key, 2016; Dinu et al., 2017; e.g., obesity, type 2 diabetes mellitus, cardiovascular disease, and cancer). Aside from the health aspect, high consumption of meat and animal products is a burden on the environment (Leip et al., 2015). For example, globally, 83% of agricultural land is used for animal agriculture, which accounts for around 56-58% of dietary greenhouse gas emissions but only for 37% of the protein and 18% of the caloric requirements (Poore and Nemecek, 2018). However, to date, only around 5% of the German population follow a vegetarian diet and only around 1% are vegan (FORSA, 2020). In addition, a vegetarian diet is decidedly more widespread among women (6.1%) than among men (2.5%; Mensink et al., 2016), and among vegans only 19% are men (SKOPOS, 2020). The association between meat consumption and masculinity, especially in Western societies (Adams, 1990; Thomas, 2016) might explain these gender differences. Following a vegan diet, and excluding all animal products, would therefore be the strongest possible antagonist to meat eating and thus to masculinity (Greenebaum and Dexter, 2018).

Given that meat reduction can be beneficial for both environment and health, and men are underrepresented among vegetarians and, in particular, among vegans, it is important to develop favorable attitudes in men toward plant-based diets. Accordingly, the current study examines (1) whether men's attitudes toward a vegan diet can be improved through an intervention, in which vegan food is associated with masculinity, and (2) whether individual differences in masculinity moderate the effect of this intervention.

In the following section, we will first discuss gender, gender stereotypes, and their association with food. Then, we will discuss a masculine framing of vegan dishes as an intervention that might improve the attitude toward vegan dishes and veganism among men. Finally, we will discuss the role of individual differences in identification with masculinity on the effectiveness of such an intervention.

The distinction between (innate) biological sex and socially constructed gender is important. In contrast to biological sex, gender is constructed through culturally produced gender differences between men and women (Athenstaedt and Alfermann, 2011), which are internalized in the process of socialization. This means that family, school, media and others convey social norms, values and rules, leading to gender stereotypes (Steins, 2010). Gender stereotypes are therefore shared assumptions about how men and women differ from one another in their roles and characteristics (descriptive) or how they should differ (prescriptive; Eckes, 2008). These descriptive and prescriptive assumptions about men and women are consistent across many Western cultures (e.g., women are said or expected to be caring and emotionally expressive, while men are said or expected to be dominant and autonomous in their behavior; Williams et al., 1999).

Gender stereotypes also include food and food choices. For example, McPhail et al. (2012) conducted semi-structured interviews in which most Canadian adults and teenagers indicated gender associations for different types of nutrition and reported eating accordingly. Smaller servings, healthier foods, and even certain dishes (e.g., sushi, couscous, and green salad) were perceived as more appropriate for women. Food for men, in contrast, was defined by large portions, and by being hearty and filling (e.g., hamburgers, hot dogs, and pizza). Cavazza et al. (2015) confirmed that the dish itself, the portion size and the presentation of the dish play a role in gender perception and found that this perception as gender appropriate or inappropriate affects the willingness to eat specific types of food. Specifically, this meant that women preferred Caprese salad to a hamburger, rated smaller portions better than large portions, and preferred an elegant presentation of food to a messy arrangement. In addition, people who eat smaller portions are perceived to be more feminine and the consumption of larger portions is associated with masculinity (Bock and Kanarek, 1995).

In particular, meat consumption is linked to gender stereotypes of masculinity (Rozin et al., 2012), probably explaining men's lower willingness to adopt plant-based diets. Meat is associated with strength and potency, which makes meat appear more suitable for men: “men are strong, men need to be strong, thus men need meat” (Adams, 1990, p. 33). Men could identify themselves as men by eating meat, hence they consume more than women. Other studies confirm the connection between high meat consumption and a positive attitude toward meat, especially in men (Rothgerber, 2013). Men are more committed to consuming meat than women and are stronger supporters of the four arguments put forward in favor of meat consumption (Piazza et al., 2015). These are listed under the 4Ns and describe the assumption that meat consumption is natural, normal, necessary, and nice. Conversely, Adams (1990) argues that vegetables and other meat-free foods tend to be perceived as appropriate food for women, making them uninteresting and inappropriate for men. Building on Brillat-Savarin's statement from 1862 that one is what one eats (c.f. Adams, 1990, p. 36), Adams concludes: “to eat a vegetable is to become a vegetable, and by extension, to become woman-like“.

As Niederle and Schubert (2020) point out, veganism can be discussed as a diet, philosophy, movement or (social) practice. As an example of gender differences regarding philosophy, one can look at the empirical finding of women having a more negative attitude toward livestock farming and being more likely to support animal welfare organizations (Eldridge and Gluck, 1996; Knight et al., 2004). Further, men in Rothgerber's (2013) study believed that caring for animals is a sign of weakness and femininity. The vegan diet, which does not contain any animal products and is, therefore, more intense than vegetarianism, is thus a strong contrast to meat consumption (Greenebaum and Dexter, 2018). This was also shown in studies that examined the perception of vegetarians and vegans by other people. Vegetarians were perceived to be less masculine than people who eat meat (Ruby and Heine, 2011). However, a recent study Thomas (2016) found this effect only for the perception of vegans but not of vegetarians, indicating that vegetarianism might become more mainstream and appropriate for men. Interestingly, Thomas' study also showed that men in particular attribute lower masculinity to other vegan men, regardless of their motivation for vegan nutrition (e.g., health, caring about animals). Bogueva et al. (2022) reported on Australian men's experience of visiting and eating at a vegan restaurant. The men's statements showed concerns linked to masculinity, dietary identity and social perception by others. They perceived their visit to the restaurant as a discrepancy with masculinity. Further, the way they spoke about their experience, it becomes obvious that their eating behavior served the management of the impression others have of them, and that this was more important than their actual liking of the plant-based burger. Thus, (not) eating meat is a (social) practice with a symbolic value for impression management regarding gender, and what Malitska (2021) reports about organized vegetarianism in the early twentieth-century Russian Empire applies nowadays, too: food is not an end in itself. Instead, food might be best described as a social marker and can demonstrate belonging to a group, but also contribute to discrimination (De Garine, 2001). The symbolic value of a product plays an important role in consumers' decision to buy this product (Levy, 1959). For example, products may be chosen to strengthen a person's own gender identity and to make sure that others perceive us accordingly (Grubb and Grathwohl, 1967). Indeed, advertising, cookbooks and blogs have recognized this relationship and have already tried to link vegan food to masculinity. Hart (2018), for example, examined the relationship between gender and veganism in the depiction of vegan food on vegan blogs and found that masculine attributes were often used to promote vegan food as being suitable for men. Fortifying food that is easy to prepare, very filling, hearty and meat-like is particularly often used in connection with suitability for men (Rogers, 2008; Gal and Wilkie, 2010; McPhail et al., 2012; Cavazza et al., 2015; Hart, 2018; Love and Sulikowski, 2018; Sexton et al., 2019; Contois, 2020). Such framing might be beneficial since Bogueva et al. (2022) found indications of strict enforcements of vegan food to lead to perceived limited freedom and thus psychological reactance in men. The same conclusion is drawn by Szczebyło et al. (2022), who argue that changing dietary behavior at a deep level of belief is very difficult and thus the willingness for transitions in dietary behaviors needs to be facilitated, for instance with new value creation.

From an empirical perspective, framing products and behaviors as appropriate for men and women seems to work. Worth et al. (1992) conducted two experiments in which different products (beer or jeans) were presented and framed with either masculine or feminine adjectives. In line with the framing, the participants not only judged the products as being more suitable for the respective gender but also liked them better if the framing matched their own gender. In addition, studies have examined how products or behaviors that are already associated with one gender can be made more interesting for the opposite gender (e.g., Gal and Wilkie, 2010; Brough et al., 2016). Brough et al. (2016), for example, examined the willingness to behave in an environmentally friendly manner (willingness to donate to an environmental organization and attitude toward electric cars), which is associated with femininity and hence not similarly popular with men. They found that the reactions were affected by the importance of maintaining gender identity (i.e., individual factors) and the gender-related presentation of the relevant stimulus (i.e., situational factors). Men were influenced in their behavior by presenting the products in a more masculine light by using gender-appropriate colors, fonts, words, and symbols. Interestingly, the effects of the framing manipulations on women were much smaller. Gal and Wilkie (2010) conducted a similar study on food choices by presenting different dishes in a masculine or feminine way. The gender association of the dishes was manipulated by altering the ingredients, the verbal descriptions, and the names of the dishes. Concerning ingredients, the masculine dish, for example, contained gravy, while the feminine dish contained red wine sauce. With regard to verbal description, the masculine dish was described as “hearty” while the feminine dish was described as “luscious”. Finally, regarding the name, the masculine dish was called “Western Salad”, whereas the feminine dish was called “Nature Salad”. Gal and Wilkie (2010) found that product presentation had an effect on men's food choices, with men preferring the dishes described in a masculine manner. For women, in contrast, the effect of the gender-related manipulations was again much smaller. This finding agrees with the notion that men, compared to women, face greater disadvantages for behavior that is inconsistent with their gender (Martin, 1990). Men should therefore be more receptive to gender-related information. Supporting this, White and Dahl (2006) found that products with feminine associations are more likely to be avoided by men than masculine-associated products are avoided by women.

Although gender stereotypes represent culturally shared assumptions about how men and women (should) differ from one another (Eckes, 2008), there are individual differences regarding the personal importance and identification with these stereotypes. In addition, stereotypes are open to change. Kaplan et al. (2017), for example, argue that an increasing number of men develop alternative “new” ideas of masculinity, which challenge traditional male norms. These so-called forms of new masculinity are associated with values such as authenticity, emotional expressivity, and holistic self-awareness. Accordingly, they might influence men's attitudes and behaviors in traditionally “male” and “female” contexts.

With regard to nutrition, De Backer et al. (2020) investigated whether identification with new masculinity influences attitudes, intentions and behavior toward meat. They found that the men who identified with new forms of masculinity ate less meat, had less attachment to meat, were more likely to reduce their meat consumption, and were more positive about vegetarians. Accordingly, men who identify strongly with new masculinity might need less nudging toward vegan nutrition and they might be less influenced by (traditional) masculine framings of vegan dishes.

The present study pursues three aims. First, we investigate whether vegan food, which has a strong feminine connotation, can be rendered more attractive for men through the association of vegan food with masculine attributes. Second, we examine whether any effects of such an association transfer to attitudes toward veganism in general. Third, individual differences in men are addressed by including identification with new masculinity as a moderator variable in the study, which might affect the effectiveness of pairing vegan food with (traditional) masculine attributes. The resulting hypotheses are presented below.

Based on the findings of previous experiments in which gender association was shifted by using gender-associated attributes (e.g., Gal and Wilkie, 2010; Brough et al., 2016) we assume that a description of vegan food with masculine attributes influences the gender-stereotypical symbolism of the vegan dish, resulting in a weakening of its feminine connotation and a movement toward perceived suitability for men.

If this holds true, then this change in the gender stereotypical symbolism of the vegan dish might have the potential to reduce the perceived inconsistency with men's gender identity. Accordingly, we expect that men are going to rate a vegan dish better when described with masculine attributes.

Typically, men show a strong tendency to behave according to gender roles and to avoid products and behavior associated with women. Women, on the other hand, seem less concerned about maintaining their gender identity (e.g., White and Dahl, 2006; Gal and Wilkie, 2010; Brough et al., 2016; e.g., they are more likely to choose masculine-associated products than men choosing feminine-associated products). Therefore, we do not expect the description of vegan dishes with masculine attributes to affect women's ratings of vegan food as much as men's ratings. Indeed, for women, there might not be a meaningful effect at all.

In addition, it is investigated whether the representation of vegan dishes with masculine attributes also affects men's general ratings of veganism. This is hypothesized because by associating a vegan dish with masculine attributes, not only the dish itself but also the underlying concept of veganism could be influenced. For reasons mentioned above for Hypothesis 3, we expected no such effect or a much weaker effect in women.

Finally, men's identification with new forms of masculinity (which are challenging traditional male norms and are associated with values such as authenticity, emotional expressivity, and holistic self-awareness; Kaplan et al., 2017) could influence the amount to which an association of vegan food with (traditional) masculinity affects men's attitude toward vegan food and veganism in general. Specifically, men who identify more strongly with new masculinity, should show weaker identification with traditional masculine stereotypes and should thus be less influenced by a masculine framing.

This study investigated whether vegan food, which is typically associated with femininity, can be made more attractive for men by describing it with masculine attributes. To do so, we provided participants with a description of vegan dishes with a conventional or a masculine framing. We expected that a description of vegan food with masculine attributes affects the gender association of the vegan dishes, and thus reduce the perceived inconsistency with men's gender identity (Hypothesis 1). In line with our hypothesis, we found that the vegan dishes framed in a masculine way shifted toward a gender-neutral rating, weakening the link to femininity.

We also assumed that men like vegan dishes better when described with masculine attributes (Hypothesis 2), but this hypothesis was not supported for any of the dependent variables (rating of the dishes and reported hunger after reading the recipes). As a control, we also examined women's ratings. Here we also found no meaningful differences between the two framing conditions, which supported Hypothesis 3. We also investigated if any effects of a masculine framing generalized to men's attitudes toward veganism in general (Hypothesis 4). Again, we could not find a meaningful effect for any of the dependent variables (rating of veganism and rating of different vegan scenarios). As a control, we also examined women's ratings. As for the men, there were no differences between the experimental conditions, which aligned with Hypothesis 5.

According to these findings, it worked to influence the gender association of vegan dishes by describing the dishes in a masculine way. This underlines that gender associations of products and behaviors are susceptible to influences (Martin et al., 1990; Worth et al., 1992). However, the masculine framing did not meaningfully affect men's attitudes toward vegan dishes or toward veganism in general. This was unexpected given that Gal and Wilkie (2010) found that describing dishes with masculine or feminine attributes affected men's preferences for the dishes. An explanation for this finding might be that the effects of masculine framing on gender associations were too small to affect the attitudes toward vegan dishes and veganism, which men typically strongly associate with femininity and perceive as appropriate for women (Thomas, 2016). Indeed, even in the masculine framing condition, none of the dishes was rated as “more suitable for men” and the perceptions shifted only slightly toward a neutral rating. For the two dishes with a significant change in gender association (carbonara and burger), we replicated the reported analyses separately, but the results were similar to the analysis, in which all dishes were included. It must be noted that the validation of adjectives used for the experimental manipulation indicated that some of the attributes used in the masculine framing condition were only moderately associated with masculinity. Therefore, it is quite possible that attributes, which are more strongly associated with masculinity, will have stronger effects on gender associations and on attitudes toward vegan dishes and veganism. Future studies could explore whether some words might be more suitable for a masculine framing than others, and whether words perceived as more masculine might lead to findings hypothesized in the present study, as was the case in other interventions (e.g., electric car in Brough et al., 2016). Additionally, other framing interventions could prove successful. Szczebyło et al. (2022) found a strong attachment to meat due to hedonistic reasons among Polish millennials, and taste-focused labeling could be used to encourage healthier eating (e.g., Turnwald et al., 2020). Furthermore, masculine framings could be tried on other diets for a better understanding of potential effects (e.g., the Mediterranean diet which is characterized by a focus on local food and the sustainability of ecosystems and landscapes; Medina, 2019). Another complementary explanation for the non-significant findings in this study might be that veganism is too strongly associated with femininity for a short-term intervention to have any effects on attitudes toward vegan dishes and veganism in general. Indeed, for many men masculinity is associated with meat consumption (Adams, 1990; Rothgerber, 2013), so eating meat can even stand as a metaphor for masculinity (Rozin et al., 2012). In contrast, eating only plant-based nutrition (i.e., being vegan) is associated with femininity (Adams, 1990), with men perceiving other vegan men as less masculine (Thomas, 2016). Therefore, long-term interventions might be needed to successfully change attitudes toward vegan dishes and particularly veganism in general, and we encourage future studies to explore such long-term interventions (for instance in field settings such as a cafeteria). Furthermore, we examined whether identification with new masculinity (Kaplan et al., 2017) moderates the effects of a masculine framing of vegan dishes. We expected that men who identify more strongly with new forms of masculinity are influenced less by a masculine framing. As expected, higher identification with new masculinity correlated with more favorable attitudes toward veganism. There was a small to medium relationship between men's new masculinity identification and lower meat consumption. This agrees with De Backer et al.'s (2020) finding that men who identified with new forms of masculinity ate less meat, had less attachment to meat, were more likely to reduce their meat consumption, and were more positive about vegetarians. However, with one exception, new masculinity did not moderate the effect of the experimental manipulation. This exception was the rating of the dishes, in which men identifying more strongly with new masculinity were even more affected by masculine framing. This disagrees with our hypothesis and implies that the relationship between masculine identity and masculine framing might be less straightforward than assumed. Importantly, it has to be noted that most men in our study seemed to strongly identify with new masculinity, which restricts any conclusions on men who have a stronger traditional male identification.

In this study, we have examined the effects of manipulating vegan dishes with masculine attributes on gender perception and attitudes toward veganism. The results highlight the intriguing possibility of successful alteration of gender associations with vegan dishes through a brief masculine framing intervention. However, while this shift in perception was observed, it did not lead to significant changes in men's broader attitudes toward vegan dishes or veganism in general. Our findings suggest that the potency of a short-term intervention might not be sufficient to counterbalance the prevailing feminine connotations associated with veganism. Despite the modest impact on gender appropriateness ratings for men, it is imperative to acknowledge the gender-neutral response exhibited by women, indicating that the intervention did not negatively affect their perception. Thus, we encourage further exploration of masculine framing to improve men's perception of vegan food and the vegan concept, but with stronger stimuli and/or longer intervention duration. Furthermore, it is prudent to delve deeper into the factors that may modulate the effectiveness of such interventions. Our initial exploration into new forms of masculinity in this context underscores the need for a comprehensive understanding of the intricate interplay between gender identity and dietary preferences. Finally, research on veganism is relatively new compared to vegetarianism. Given the relevance of this diet to health and environmental issues, further empirical research is worthwhile to develop targeted interventions that could foster a reduction in meat consumption and engender a more appealing perception of vegan cuisine, particularly among men.

The datasets presented in this study can be found in online repositories. The names of the repository/repositories and accession number(s) can be found at: https://osf.io/3mdbq/?view_only=dba6ef50f0f941dfb4940695e68eaba6.

The studies involving humans ethics approval was not required for this study because according to the ethics guidelines of the German Society for Psychology (DGPs) and the regulations of the Ethics Committee of the Institute for Psychology of the Faculty for Human Sciences of the Julius-Maximilians-University of Würzburg, prior review is not mandatory for research that provides signed informed consent from study participants, collects data anonymously, and has no foreseeable negative impact on participants. However, the study was reviewed post-hoc by the Ethics Committee of the University of Bamberg, Germany, and approval was granted. The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. The participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

AES contributed to the conception of the study, performed the statistical analysis, and wrote the first draft of the manuscript. AES and JL contributed to the design of the study and organized the database. All authors contributed to the manuscript revision, read, and approved the submitted version.